Go Back   David Icke's Official Forums > Main Forums > Political Manipulation / Cover-Ups / False Flags

Thread Tools
Old 21-11-2012, 01:17 AM   #241
Senior Member
Join Date: Apr 2008
Location: Inactive
Posts: 36,483
Likes: 237 (190 Posts)
Lightbulb Coup d'état

Originally Posted by omegatau View Post
Turks were fascists mainly during the 2nd WW, but it changed once they became a secular country.
Kenan Evren born 17 July 1917) was the seventh President of Turkey; a post he assumed by leading the 1980 military coup. He was also the last president to be born in the Ottoman Empire.
With the coup came the National Security Council as the ruling body. The council of 1980 was composed of the commanders Kenan Evren, the Chief of Staff and President of the State. The parliament was dissolved. The Central Intelligence Agency's Ankara bureau chief at the time, Paul B. Henze, received a call from the White House Situation Room saying "Paul, your guys have done it", while President Jimmy Carter was watching Fiddler on the Roof at the Kennedy Center...
Evren took strong measures to ensure that the division between the political left and right would not turn into violence again; the new constitution limited the rights and depoliticized the youth.

According to a report on the Susurluk scandal of 1996, prepared by Prime Ministry Inspection Board Deputy Chairman Kutlu Savaş, quoted by the Human Rights Foundation of Turkey, "Fascists had been released from prison in return for 'finishing some jobs' under Evren's rule after 12 September 1980".

Responding to a journalist's question regarding the execution of 17-year-old Erdal Eren, he memorably responded "Should we nourish him rather than hang him? After Bülent Ecevit's death, he expressed remorse over the arrest of political leaders after the 12 September coup, but defended the coup itself and the 35 executions. Civilian resentment exists, and there have been demands for his being called to account, following the Ergenekon investigation.


Last edited by lightgiver; 21-11-2012 at 01:30 AM.
lightgiver is offline   Reply With Quote
Old 21-11-2012, 01:49 AM   #242
Senior Member
Join Date: Apr 2008
Location: Inactive
Posts: 36,483
Likes: 237 (190 Posts)
Lightbulb While America Slept

Why England Slept is the published version of a thesis written by John F. Kennedy while in his senior year at Harvard College. Its title was an allusion to Winston Churchill's 1938 book While England Slept,which also examined the buildup of German power. Published in 1940,the book examines the failures of the British government to take steps to prevent World War II and is notable for its uncommon stance of not castigating the appeasement policy of the British government at the time, instead suggesting that an earlier confrontation between the United Kingdom and Nazi Germany could well have been more disastrous in the long run...As ambassador to Britain, Joseph P. Kennedy Sr. supported Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain's policy of appeasement during the late 1930s. John F. Kennedy lived with his father in Britain at that time and witnessed the Luftwaffe's bombings of Britain first-hand...
After publication in 1940, the book sold 80,000 copies in the United Kingdom and the United States, collecting US$40,000 in royalties for Kennedy; those from the British sales were donated to Plymouth, England, recently bombed by the Luftwaffe, while Kennedy bought a green Buick convertible with the American income...The song "The Order of Death" appears on the soundtrack of the movie, The Blair Witch Project, and the 1990 science fiction film, Hardware. It was also featured in the Miami Vice episode, "Little Miss Dangerous"Jackie Mc. "This is Not a Love Song" appears in the film Waltz With Bashir.


Last edited by lightgiver; 21-11-2012 at 01:55 AM.
lightgiver is offline   Reply With Quote
Old 11-12-2012, 01:00 AM   #243
Senior Member
Join Date: Apr 2008
Location: Inactive
Posts: 36,483
Likes: 237 (190 Posts)
Exclamation Star of Death

lightgiver is offline   Reply With Quote
Old 11-12-2012, 11:37 AM   #244
Senior Member
Join Date: Sep 2010
Posts: 2,118
Likes: 345 (266 Posts)

Whatever dictatorial powers the NSDAP had were given to them through free elections and were already clearly spelled out in the 25 Points of the NSDAP Programme by 1920:


Programme of the NSDAP, 24 February 1920

The 25 points of the NSDAP Program were composed by Adolf Hitler and Anton Drexler. They were publically presented on 24 February 1920 "to a crowd of almost two thousand and every single point was accepted amid jubilant approval." (Mein Kampf, Volume II, Chapter I) Hitler explained their purpose in the fifth chapter of the second volume of Mein Kampf:

The program of the new movement was summed up in a few guiding principles, twenty-five in all. They were devised to give, primarily to the man of the people, a rough picture of the movement's aims. They are in a sense a political creed, which on the one hand recruits for the movement and on the other is suited to unite and weld together by a commonly recognized obligation those who have been recruited.

Hitler was intent on having a community of mutual interest that desired mutual success instead of one that was divided over the control of money or differing values.


In these straightforward statements of intent, Hitler translated his ideology into a plan of action which would prove its popularity with the German people throughout the coming years. For many, the abruptness of its departure from the tradition of politics as practiced in the western world was as much of a shock as its liberal nature and foresight of the emerging problems of western democracy.

The Programme of the German Workers' Party is designed to be of limited duration. The leaders have no intention, once the aims announced in it have been achieved, of establishing fresh ones, merely in order to increase, artificially, the discontent of the masses and so ensure the continued existence of the Party.

"1. We demand the union of all Germany in a Greater Germany on the basis of the right of national self-determination.

2. We demand equality of rights for the German people in its dealings with other nations, and the revocation of the peace treaties of Versailles and Saint-Germain.

3. We demand land and territory (colonies) to feed our people and to settle our surplus population.

4. Only members of the nation may be citizens of the State. Only those of German blood, whatever be their creed, may be members of the nation. Accordingly, no Jew may be a member of the nation.

5. Non-citizens may live in Germany only as guests and must be subject to laws for aliens.

6. The right to vote on the State's government and legislation shall be enjoyed by the citizens of the State alone. We demand therefore that all official appointments, of whatever kind, whether in the Reich, in the states or in the smaller localities, shall be held by none but citizens.

We oppose the corrupting parliamentary custom of filling posts merely in accordance with party considerations, and without reference to character or abilities.

7. We demand that the State shall make it its primary duty to provide a livelihood for its citizens. If it should prove impossible to feed the entire population, foreign nationals (non-citizens) must be deported from the Reich.

8. All non-German immigration must be prevented. We demand that all non-Germans who entered Germany after 2 August 1914 shall be required to leave the Reich forthwith.

9. All citizens shall have equal rights and duties.

10. It must be the first duty of every citizen to perform physical or mental work. The activities of the individual must not clash with the general interest, but must proceed within the framework of the community and be for the general good.

We demand therefore:

11. The abolition of incomes unearned by work.

The breaking of the slavery of interest

12. In view of the enormous sacrifices of life and property demanded of a nation by any war, personal enrichment from war must be regarded as a crime against the nation. We demand therefore the ruthless confiscation of all war profits.

13. We demand the nationalization of all businesses which have been formed into corporations (trusts).

14. We demand profit-sharing in large industrial enterprises.

15. We demand the extensive development of insurance for old age.

16. We demand the creation and maintenance of a healthy middle class, the immediate communalizing of big department stores, and their lease at a cheap rate to small traders, and that the utmost consideration shall be shown to all small traders in the placing of State and municiple orders.

17. We demand a land reform suitable to our national requirements, the passing of a law for the expropriation of land for communal purposes without compensation; the abolition of ground rent, and the prohibition of all speculation in land. *

18. We demand the ruthless prosecution of those whose activities are injurious to the common interest. Common criminals, usurers, profiteers, etc., must be punished with death, whatever their creed or race.

19. We demand that Roman Law, which serves a materialistic world order, be replaced by a German common law.

20. The State must consider a thorough reconstruction of our national system of education (with the aim of opening up to every able and hard-working German the possibility of higher education and of thus obtaining advancement). The curricula of all educational establishments must be brought into line with the requirements of practical life. The aim of the school must be to give the pupil, beginning with the first sign of intelligence, a grasp of the nation of the State (through the study of civic affairs). We demand the education of gifted children of poor parents, whatever their class or occupation, at the expense of the State.

21. The State must ensure that the nation's health standards are raised by protecting mothers and infants, by prohibiting child labor, by promoting physical strength through legislation providing for compulsory gymnastics and sports, and by the extensive support of clubs engaged in the physical training of youth.

22. We demand the abolition of the mercenary army and the foundation of a people's army.

23. We demand legal warfare on deliberate political mendacity and its dissemination in the press. To facilitate the creation of a German national press we demand:

(a) that all editors of, and contributors to newspapers appearing in the German language must be members of the nation;

(b) that no non-German newspapers may appear without the express permission of the State. They must not be printed in the German language; that non-Germans shall be prohibited by law from participating financially in or influencing German newspapers, and that the penalty for contravening such a law shall be the suppression of any such newspaper, and the immediate deportation of the non-Germans involved.

The publishing of papers which are not conducive to the national welfare must be forbidden. We demand the legal prosecution of all those tendencies in art and literature which corrupt our national life, and the suppression of cultural events which violate this demand.

24. We demand freedom for all religious denominations in the State, provided they do not threaten its existence nor offend the moral feelings of the German race.

The Party, as such, stands for positive Christianity, but does not commit itself to any particular denomination. It combats the Jewish-materialistic spirit within and without us, and is convinced that our nation can achieve permanent health only from within on the basis of the principle: The common interest before self-interest.

25. To put the whole of this programme into effect, we demand the creation of a strong central state power for the Reich; the unconditional authority of the political central Parliament over the entire Reich and its organizations; and the formation of Corporations based on estate and occupation for the purpose of carrying out the general legislation passed by the Reich in the various German states.

The leaders of the Party promise to work ruthlessly -- if need be to sacrifice their very lives -- to translate this programme into action.

* On April 13, 1928, Adolf Hitler clarified section seventeen in the programme in order to stop political mischaracterizations: "Because of the mendacious interpretations on the part of our opponents of Point 17 of the programme of the NSDAP, the following explanation is necessary: Since the NSDAP is fundamentally based on the principle of private property, it is obvious that the expression "confiscation without compensation" refers merely to the creation of possible legal means of confiscating when necessary, land illegally acquired, or not administered in accordance with the national welfare. It is therefore directed in the first instance against the Jewish companies which speculate in land.


and they were powers given to Hitler through FREE elections both times: 44% (by March 1933) out of an 11 party race (not the joke of a two party system they have in the USA) the first time, and 98% in 1936 when Hitler not only delivered on most of his promises but exceeded them by leaps and bounds in what became known throughout the world as an 'economic miracle.'

Also, you have to remember that Hitler kicked the Rothschilds and all the rest of the usurers connected with them straight out of his country and banned freemasonry. Hitler was 100% pro-gun and insisted that German citizens armed themselves, so much so that he even allowed Jews to own guns until 1938. Vladimir Nabokov and his Jewish wife, for example, lived in Berlin Germany until 1937 and his wife kept her job and did not lose it to an Aryan due to the Nuremberg laws until 1936.

Adolf Hitler speech against freemasonry, illuminati, NWO, & Zionist plutocratic warmongers England.

Movie made about the Rothschilds in National Socialist Germany, exposing their crimes and war profiteering:

Die Rothschilds Aktien auf Waterloo - 1940 [English Subtitles]

"Occult Forces" (1943) ~ National Socialist Anti-Freemasonry Film (English Subtitles)

Made during the National Socialist German occupation of France, this film was based on authentic masonic documents, in particular, the initiation ceremony was the one used in 1939 by French Lodges.

Forces Occultes places spectators in the role of a naïve initiate—the young legislator Pierre Avenel—who at first believes in parliamentary democracy and the Masons, but gradually discovers the "truth" and is brutally attacked when he threatens to expose it.

FORCES OCCULTES (=Occult Powers)1943. B&W movie. Original French Dialog with English subtitles. This is the very best film to understand what freemasonry really is.

Following WW2, the film's writer, Jean-Marie Rivière, was imprisoned. Its producer, Robert Muzard, and director, Paul Riche, were EXECUTED (1949) for their part in the production of this film;

High Quality DVD download available here:

The bankers had no illusion whatsoever that Hitler was NOT going to play ball with any of them and that's why already by 1933 Hitler faced a full-on declaration of war and worldwide boycott by Jewry:




Which means he was not a puppet elected by banksters in a charade election like almost every single American, British & European leader in the 20th century (Mussolini and Franco excluded and a few others excluded) but a true man of the people and this was proven beyond doubt when he put his party up for free & fully monitored (by foreign journalists invited by Goebbels specifically for the purpose of monitoring).




75 Million Germans say "YES" to One Nation, One People, One Leader.

"No democratic Government in the world can submit itself to a popular vote in greater trust and with greater confidence than can the National Socialist Government of Germany." -- Adolf Hitler, 30th January, 1935.

The election on July, 31st, 1932 was a victory for the National Socialists. They polled 13,574,000 votes and with 38% of the total votes cast legitimately and democratically became the largest Party in the Reichstag with 230 seats. The Social Democrats had 133 seats and the Communists 89. On January 30th, Adolf Hitler was appointed Chancellor of Germany.

At the polls of March, 5th, the NSDAP polled 17,277,180 votes; an increase of 5.5 million bringing their voting percentage up to 44%, which when placed in coalition with the Nationalists led by Franz von Papen and Alfred Hugenberg who had polled 3,136,760 votes, showed an overwhelming majority of Germans had in free and open elections made their preference for German nationalism clear.

Immediately after his appointment as Chancellor, Adolf Hitler, in his first appeal to the German nation on February, 1st, 1933, asked to be allowed just four years in order to carry out the task of national reconstruction. He repeated the same request when a few days later, when at a speech in the Berlin Sportpalast, he said:

"During fourteen years the German nation has been at the mercy of decadent elements which have abused its confidence. During fourteen years those elements have done nothing but destroy, disintegrate and dissolve. Hence it is neither temerity nor presumption if, appearing before the nation today, I ask: German nation, give us four years time, after which you can arraign us before your tribunal and you can judge me!

"Allow me four years, and I swear to you, as truly as I have now undertaken my duties, I will depart. It is not for any reward or benefit that I have taken office, but only for your sake. It has been the greatest decision of my whole life.

"I cannot rid myself of my faith in my people, nor lose the conviction that this people will resuscitate again one day. I cannot be severed from the love of a people that I know to be my own. And I nourish the conviction that the hour will come when millions of men who now curse us will take their stand behind us to welcome the new Reich, our common creation born of a painful and laborious struggle and an arduous triumph -- a Reich which is the symbol of greatness, honour, strength, honesty and justice."

True to his word, on March 29th, 1936, the German nation was given as promised the opportunity to express their approval or disapproval of the National Socialist state. It was an entirely free election without fear or intimidation with adequate provision made for monitoring by neutral observers.



TOTAL VOTES CAST: 45,001,489 (99%)


VOTES FOR HITLER'S NSDAP: 44,461,278 (98.8%)

Small wonder that of all the books written and documentaries produced on the Third Reich, none dare to publish facts such as these. As someone wisely said; 'history is the propaganda of the victors.'


The National Socialist electoral system was not based on the parliamentary system but was nonetheless democratic. Of the parliamentary system of government, Hitler was scathing:

" . . . a turbulent mass of people, all gesticulating and bawling against one another, with a pathetic old man shaking his bell and making frantic efforts to call the House to a sense of dignity by friendly appeals, exhortations and grave warnings. I could not refrain from laughing." -- Adolf Hitler, Mein Kampf, p.53

"Several weeks later I paid a second visit. This time the house presented an entirely different picture, so much so that one could hardy recognise it as the same place. The hall was practically empty. They were sleeping in the other rooms below. Only a few deputies were in their places, yawning in each other's faces. One was speechifying. A Deputy Speaker was in the chair. When he looked round it was plain that he felt bored." -- Adolf Hitler, Mein Kampf, p.53

"As a contrast to this kind of democracy we have the German democracy, which is a true democracy; for here a leader is freely chosen and is obliged to accept full responsibility for all his actions and omissions. The problems to be dealt with are not put to the vote of the majority; but they are decided upon by the individual, and as a guarantee of responsibility for those decisions he pledges all he has in the world and even his life." -- Adolf Hitler, Mein Kampf, p.61

The National Socialist system of government was largely based on referenda in which the really important issues of the day were debated and voted upon by the German people. When, for instance, Adolf Hitler felt it necessary to prove the German nation's sincerity in its peaceful intentions, he called for an election combined with a plebiscite (referendum) that stated:

"It is not for my own sake that I asked for this national vote, but for the sake of the German people. It is not I who require such a vote of confidence to strengthen and sustain me; it is the German people who require a Chancellor supported by such confidence before the world. For I am nothing my fellow-countrymen, but your mouthpiece, and do not wish to be anything but the representative of your life and the defender of your vital interests." -- Adolf Hitler.

"The German Government and the German nation are united in the sincere wish to examine and solve dispassionately, be means of negotiations, all pending questions with all other nations, including Germany's former adversaries. The German Government and the German nation are prepared to conclude long term continental pacts of non-aggression with the object of securing peace, the economic prosperity, and the general reconstruction of Europe." Adolf Hitler

This general election and plebiscite took place on November 12th, 1933. Of a total of 43,491,575 votes recorded, 40,632,628 were cast in favour of the Government, this being a majority of 95%.


The Versailles Treaty deprived Germany of the Saar territory, falsely claiming as justification that the region was historically French and with a French population of 150,000. In fact, the French population was just 2,000. For every French citizen in the Saar, there were 250 Germans.

On January, 13th, 1935, two years after the election of Adolf Hitler, free elections observed by international observers were held in which the electorate were asked whether they wished to remain as French citizens or would prefer to become part of the Third Reich.




There was a 90.5% majority in favour of reunification with Germany. Yet another election the propagandists choose to ignore for reasons transparent.


On March 13th, 1938, the Austrian Government enacted a constitutional law concerning a plebiscite for the reunion of Austria with the Third Reich. On 18th, March, 1938, Hitler dissolved the Reichstag and announced conformity with the plebiscite which was announced on April, 10th, 1938. The peoples of both nations were to be given the opportunity to decide for or against unification with Hitler's Germany.



ACTUAL VOTE: 4,460,778 (99.07%)






ENTITLED TO VOTE: 45,073,303

ACTUAL VOTE 44,872,702 (99.55%)






"Most foreign observers present in Vienna that day accepted that the polling had been free from any open intimidations." (Gordon Brook-Shepherd. British writer)

"The crisis of March, 1938 (which led to the Anschluss) was provoked by Schuschnigg, the Austrian Chancellor, not by Hitler." (A.J.P. Taylor. British Historian)

"He (Chamberlain) had no difficulty in recognising where this injustice lay. There were six million Germans in Austria to whom national reunification was still forbidden by the Peace Treaties of 1919. Three million Germans in Czechoslovakia whose wishes had never been consulted; three hundred and fifty thousand people in Danzig who were notoriously German." (A.J.P. Taylor)

"The German Army was invading Austria, or rather was marching in to the general enthusiasm of the people." (A.J.P. Taylor)

"The pull of sentiment, language and history, reinforced by the material advantages offered by becoming part of a big nation, was strong enough to waken a genuine welcome when the frontier barriers went down and the German troops marched in garlanded with flowers . . . there was a widespread sense of relief, even amongst those who were far from being Nazis." (Alan Bullock. Historian)

"Chamberlain's conduct towards Germany . . . had never been dictated by a consciousness of military weakness but exclusively by the religious idea that Germany must have justice, and that the injustice of Versailles must be made good." (Prime Minister Chamberlain's Press Officer)

"It (Munich) was a triumph for all that was best and most enlightened in British life; a triumph for those who had preached equal justice between peoples, a triumph for those who had courageously denounced the harshness and the shortcomings of Versailles." (A.J.P. Taylor. The Origins of the Second World War)" Hitler had a plausible case to argue when he claimed that the Anschluss was only the application of the Wilsonian principle of self-determination." -- Alan Bullock


"The worst offence (of the Versailles Treaty) was the subjection of over three million Germans to Czech rule." (H.N. Brailsford. Leading Left-Wing Writer. 1920)

". .. in early 1939 the problem of Czechoslovakia -- the rump, polyglot state created at Versailles, comprising many central European ethnic populations -- continues to dominate European affairs. Hitler backs the aspirations for independence from the Czechs of the Slovaks, the biggest minority within the artificial Czech state." (Count Jerzy Potocki, Polish Ambassador)

Coincidentally, on the very day I include this relevant quotation (31st, January, 1993), 54 years on from the Fuhrer's recommendation, the Czech and Slovak people of their own free will took Hitler's advice and separated themselves from each other, amidst much rejoicing. During the same period (1939) Lord Halifax warned that Hitler intended to establish an independent Ukrainian state.

Is it not interesting that these paragons of the democratic process and signatories of the Atlantic Charter, who had set themselves up as the guarantors of small nations' independence, should have been so alarmed when that Czechs, Slovaks, Ukrainians and others too, opted for independence. How ironic also that this was Adolf Hitler's advice.

"There has never been a government in Germany which had a better right to claim that it represented the broad masses of the people than has the National Socialist Government. The elections held on November, 12th, 1933, when 95% of the valid votes recorded by the German people were given for Herr Hitler and his policy, proved that the German people unanimously back the German Government." Dr. Joseph Goebbels


The following figures are typical of the increase in German production, progress and living standards between 1932 and 1937, and are taken from a three hour reported addressed by the German Chancellor.

"In 1932, before National Socialism acquired power, the German national income amounted to 45.2 milliard Reichsmarks. . . and in 1937 reached the round figure of 68 milliard Reichsmarks. In contrast to this increase in income the general cost of living index remained practically unchanged. In other words, while the national income increased by nearly 50% the increase in the general cost of living rose by only 4%."

Five years of National Socialist industrial and economic activity show that:

Paper manufacture has increased by 50%

The manufacture of diesel oil has increased by 66%

The production of coal has increased by 68%

The production of oil fuel has increased by 80%

The production of mineral oil has increased by 90%

The production of artificial silk has increased by 100%

The production of Kerosene has increased by 110%

The production of steel has increased by 167%

The production of lubricating oil has increased by 190%

"The production of petrol and other motor fuels increased by 470%. Aluminium production by 570% and the production of Zellwoille by 2,500%."

"We have been successful in increasing our foreign trade in imports from 4.2 to 5.5 milliard Reichsmarks and in exports from 4.9 milliard in 1933 to 5.9 milliard Reichsmarks in 1937."

"After the USA, Germany today is once more the leading steel producing country in the world." -- Adolf Hitler


1932 / 1937

56,400 motorcycles / 234,000 motorcycles

41,100 motor cars / 216,000 motor cars

7,000 commercial vehicles / 50,600 commercial vehicles

"Whereas in 1937 roughly five times as many motor vehicles were licensed as in 1932, the export of motor cars has increased eightfold as compared with the same year."

"In 1932 German inland shipping conveyed 73.5 million tons which increased to 130 million tons in 1937."

"German ocean shipping conveyed 36 million tons in 1932 and 61 million tons in 1937. The idle tonnage that was laid up along the rivers Elbe and Weser and along the German coast has completely disappeared."

"German shipbuilding yards had orders for 22,000 tons in 1932. At present they have orders on hand for a total tonnage of 1,120,000 tons for merchant shipping alone."


"For the maintenance and development of German roads, including the super highways, the following sums have been spent:

1932: 440 million Reichsmarks

1933: 708 million Reichsmarks

1935: 1325 million Reichsmarks

1937: 1450 million Reichsmarks

". . . the displacement of earth by far exceeds the building achievement of the Panama Canal."

"The following large bridges were built. 6 bridges over the Rhine, 4 over the Elbe, 2 over the Oder, 3 over the Danube, 1 over the Weser, and 1 over the Pregel. In addition, 3,400 further bridges were built in connection with the super highways."

"Every year a thousand kilometres of motor-roads will be opened until the greatest work in the history of mankind is completed." (Adolf Hitler)

"340,000 houses were built in 1937 -- twice the number built in 1932. Altogether 1,400,000 houses have been put on the housing market since the National Socialists acquired power.

"In 1932, only 19 out of every 1,000 people in Germany owned cars as compared with 41 in France and 37 in Great Britain; today, however, the figure for Germany is 35 in every 1,000 as compared with 51 per 1,000 in France and Great Britain.

"Total industrial production in Germany is today 144% greater than in 1932. Even the peak year of 1929 was exceeded as early as 1936, while today about 30% more industrial goods are produced than in 1929. The production of capital goods has risen much more strongly than has the production of consumption goods, being now four times as great as in 1932 and more than one and a half times as great as 1929.

"Progress in the field of domestic raw material production has been even greater. Iron ore production has risen from an average of 843,000 metric tons for the first three months of 1932 to 1,226,000 metric tons in the first three months of 1938. This means an increase of 45%. Furthermore there has been great progress in domestic oil production. In 1938, staple fibre production has reached 155,000 metric tons as compared with 5,400 metric tons in 1933 and 102,000 metric tons in 1937." (Adolf Hitler)

"In the sphere of economic life all action must be governed by one law; capital serves industry, and industry serves the people." -- Adolf Hitler

"German economic salvation has been brought about solely through the efforts of the German people and the experience they have gained. Countries abroad have contributed nothing to this." -- Adolf Hitler

"Germany's economic salvation was due solely to the nation's own efforts under its own leadership." - Adolf Hitler

"We have made it possible, without gold and without foreign exchange, to maintain the value of the German mark. Behind the German mark stands the German capacity for work, while some foreign countries, suffocated by gold, have been compelled to devalue their currencies." (Adolf Hitler)

"Today in May, 1938, the world around us suffers from the anxiety which the unemployment of millions brings with it. In Germany we begin to be anxious because we have not enough workmen." (Adolf Hitler)


Germany's reduced dependency upon imports and its phenomenal increase in productivity and exports provided Germany with an economic and social advantage with which neither Britain, the USA and the USSR could compete. Furthermore, severe social deprivation, the effect of the Great Depression, social unrest and economic uncertainty in these countries were in contrast to Germany which was experiencing an economic and social miracle. Germany had to be destroyed.

Hitler was well aware that Britain and America would seek to resolve their problem by initiating a trade war that would destroy Germany and grab its markets.

"The war was not just a matter of the elimination of Fascism in Germany, but rather of obtaining German sales markets." (Winston Churchill. Fulton. March 1946)


German peasants crowd around Adolf Hitler's car to get a good view of their leader as he drives into Berchtesgaden September 9 1934 to give a speech in connection with the convention of the National Socialist Party

Adolf Hitler with farm children on his tour of East Prussia

Also the myth about the NSDAP Germans being prudes is not true. Actually, not only were they not prudes but they even went so far as to advocate nude sports, nude gymnastics and nude sunbathing as healthy. They were for a healthy sexuality and against degeneracy as testified to by these officially published nude books that would never have been published in the censored so-called 'free' & Rothschild-Usurocracy shackled & fully depressed U.S.A. at that time:

Official Third Reich Nude Books:










"The Jewish question of anti-semitism exists everywhere Jews live in perceptible numbers. Where it does not exist, it is carried by the Jews in the course of their migrations. We naturally move to those places where we are not persecuted, and there our presence produces persecution. This is the case in every country and will remain so even in those highly civilized nations like France, until the Jewish question finds a solution on the political basis." -- Theodor Herzl - The Jewish State, 1896

"When the Jews sink we become a revolutionary proletariat, the subordinate officers of all revolutionary parties and at the same time, when we rise, there rises also our terrible power of the purse. " --- Theodor Herzl - Der Judenstaat, 1896

« Among them there was a great movement, quite extensive in Vienna, which came outsharply in confirmation of the national character of the Jews: this was the Zionists. »« In a short time this apparent struggle between Zionistic and liberal Jews disgusted me; for it was false through and through, founded on lies and scarcely in keeping with the moral elevation and purity always claimed by this people. » - Adolf Hitler, Mein Kampf

“The authority of the State can never be an end in itself; for, if that were so, any kind of tyranny would be inviolable and sacred. If a government uses the instruments of power in its hands for the purpose of leading a people to ruin, then rebellion is not only the right but also the duty of every individual citizen.” ~Adolf Hitler, Mein Kampf

“Germany’s unforgivable crime before the second world war was her attempt to extricate her economic power from the world’s trading system and to create her own exchange mechanism which would deny world finance its opportunity to profit.” Winston Churchill to Lord Robert Boothby, as quoted in: Sidney Rogerson, Propaganda in the Next War (Foreword to the second edition 2001), originally published in 1938.

Last edited by synergetic67; 11-12-2012 at 12:01 PM.
synergetic67 is offline   Reply With Quote
Old 11-12-2012, 12:24 PM   #245
Senior Member
Join Date: Sep 2010
Posts: 2,118
Likes: 345 (266 Posts)

Oberregierungsrat Leybold's Statement - A statement made in 1924 by the prison governor concerning Hitler's behavior while in prison for the putsch.


"If freedom is short of weapons, we must compensate with willpower."
-- Adolf Hitler, Landsberg, 5 November 1925

Mein Kampf - Chapter XV: The Right of Emergency Defense:




Background: This is a mass pamphlet issued by the NSDAP early after the release of one of a series of emergency decrees authorized by Reich President Hindenburg on 1 December 1931. At the time, Chancellor Bruening was governing without a parliamentary majority, instead being dependent on the support of Hindenburg who as Reich President had constitutional authority to permit Bruening to function without the normally required majority. Among other things, the emergency decree banned political meetings, uniforms, and insignia in the hope of reducing public political tension and conflict. To make sense of it, you may need to read up on the context.

Hitler released this “open letter” twelve days after the decree was issued. It is a good example of his rhetorical style.

The source: Hitler an Bruening (Munich: Franz Eher, 1932).

Hitler to Bruening

Broschuerenreihe der Reichspropaganda-Leitung der NSDAP, Heft 5

Open Letter from Adolf Hitler to the Reich Chancellor

The Politics of Illusion from Matthias Erzberger to Heinrich Bruening

The Great Illusion of the Last Emergency Decree

Why does Bruening attack the NSDAP, but not Communism?

Mr. Reich Chancellor!

I read the following sentences in your commentary on the Fourth Emergency Decree issued by the Reich President:

"I will continue to resist all efforts by parties to tear apart the German people into two enemy camps in the midst of our spiritual tension and material need. An ancient instinct admonishes all peoples to set aside internal controversies when the fatherland stands at the decisive hour for political action."

Although each of the emergency decrees issued by your government claimed to be at a "decisive moment" of political action, I take it from the extensive introductory speech that this most recent emergency decree is supposed to have even greater significance, since the hour is seen as particularly serious. However, Mr. Reich Chancellor, I do not see the so-called "ancient instincts" in your introduction, which to my mind are to be expected not only from parties, but also from statesmen.

An Unnecessary Attack

In your speech, Mr. Reich Chancellor, you intentionally attack the National Socialist movement, indirectly comparing it to the unity of the rest of the population. Since this attack against a part of the German people includes a reference to me as its leader, I see myself obligated to defend this part of the mass of the people that I lead. I greatly regret this, since I am unable to see how an attack against so large a part of the German people is related to the new emergency decree. There was no political nor material cause for this attack. It is of a purely partisan nature.

The emergency decree hardly supports an attack against the National Socialist movement since as you yourself grant in your speech, Mr. Reich Chancellor, that the economic crisis is at least in part the result of the mistakes of previous governments.

We National Socialists had nothing to do with these governments; in fact we always rejected and fought their mistakes that have finally been recognized.

Political grounds also provide no reason for this attack against the National Socialist movement or me personally. Even if an objective analysis of my opposition had found no justification for our actions, at the very least a sense of political justice — which a statesman cannot lack — would have to conclude that there were other movements and parties within Germany besides the National Socialist Party that at least in part attack the present system and your government very sharply. Although it has a different worldview, the Communist Party, for example, attacks not only the current system, but even the state, indeed the whole order, and with consciously chosen illegal methods.

Under the current crisis of the German people burdened by a new emergency decree, fighting against parties could be justified only, Mr. Reich Chancellor, if you had taken a position against all of those forces that oppose you and your government.

But that would mean millions, the overwhelming majority of our people.

Since that did not happen, there can only be partisan reasons for attacking only the National Socialist movement with accusations that are both unjustified and easy to refute. That forces me to say the following:

On the Value of Silence, Speech, and Action

I find the following sentences in the printed version of your speech:

"I have been accused of remaining silent for too long. Careful work seems to me more important than speaking, and I have confidence that the German people prefer that which is factual, serious."

Mr. Reich Chancellor! This opinion seems to me to rest on several not insignificant errors. It is certainly true that not every speech that is given in the world is a "factual matter" that one must approach seriously. Since German radio has regularly put itself at the service of governmental propaganda, I, too, can no longer close my eyes to the all too perishable nature of rhetoric. It would, however, be wrong to form a general opinion of the deficiencies of the intellectual content of all speeches in contrast to written elaborations based on examples from the present, even when those printed words have the good fortune or misfortune to pass through the machinery of lawmaking. The sum total of all laws ranging from those applying to the village school to those at the highest level demonstrate little evidence that they deserve to be seen as having greater importance than many speeches have, considering the conscientious and diligent work behind them. I will not deny that many laws are the result of hard mental effort, great determination, and admirable endurance. However, their final result and value is often less than the piece of paper that has the misfortune to have printed on it this blessing for mankind.

The value of a law is neither in the time it took to develop, nor in its outward length, but rather exclusively in its ultimate intellectual content. The lightning of a genius has always illuminated the world more brightly than a thousand smoking torches of regulations and laws.

I know that before the revolutions of 1848 governments thought that they had the right to act and their peoples had the duty to remain silent. But even in the Germany of that era there was strong agreement that alongside of the right of the government to act was that of the governed to have an opinion. Alongside the duty of the governed to obey a government, there is a duty on the part of government to respond graciously to objections from the governed.

Particularly since the Revolution of 1918, the German people believes that it has the right to criticize, and to criticize openly, since it was maintained that the lack of free speech was one reason for the downfall of the old system.

The constitution of the new Reich, therefore, does not say: All power comes from the government, but rather that all power comes from the people.

But you, Mr. Reich Chancellor, now jealously assert that no one in Germany has the right to act except the government. That necessarily means restrictions on the ability of the opposition to criticize and speak freely.

If today's Germany had an Oliver Cromwell, a George Washington, or an Otto von Bismarck, at the moment all three would have to be satisfied by informing the nation of their opposition to the current government only through speaking or writing. And even if these three could only speak today, Mr. Reich Chancellor, one surely could not say that the content of their speeches would be worth less that the content of government decrees!

Such an underestimation of the speech does help me to understand the modest intellectual force of recent German rhetoric from official sources, while the frequency of such rhetorical efforts earns my grudging admiration.

Why do government offices keep using an instrument that they seem to think of so little value, or even hold in contempt? That may, however, explain why they do it so poorly.

Success is the only Measure

The government. Mr. Reich Chancellor, can act. It can realize thoughts and ideas through laws. It can prove the correctness of its ideas through deeds. It watches jealously to ensure that no one else asserts this ability. What do we have left to us, Mr. Reich Chancellor, aside from speech if we want to express to the people our opinions about the destructiveness of your plans, about the mistakes at their core, and about the disasters that will result?

One can, of course, used naked police force to deny the opposition the ability to speak and write. That can only be justified, however, if success against the speaker and in favor of the holder of power results not only in successfully banning a meeting or newspaper, but rather in successfully leading a nation.

The correctness of incorrectness of an intellectual message, whether written or spoken, is in the end determined only by the results. Reich Chancellor Bismarck condemned his critics to respectful silence by the proclamation of a New German Reich that earned international respect and had growing domestic prosperity.

Currently, however, the critical speakers, not the governments of the System, have been proven right.

If those in high office see our speaking as disobedient, then save us the talk and give us power!

Mr. Reich Chancellor, we are ready to act at any time.

Have we ever been unwilling to accept responsibility?


It is well known, Mr. Reich Chancellor, that you reject the possibility of the National Socialist movement and the national opposition taking over the government. The is not easy to justify.

The System,

the nature of which is incorporated in the present government, has been rejected by the overwhelming majority of the German nation.
If one attempts despite that to justify from a democratic perspective the incomprehensible continuance of the present forces, one must naturally find some sort of reason. I believe, therefore, that a sense of the necessity of a defense of the otherwise incomprehensible attitude of the current System, against the overwhelming majority of the people, is a reason for the speech you gave, Mr. Reich Chancellor, introducing the emergency decree.

The System is attempting to preserve itself by making baseless accusations against the NSDAP.

According to your speech, there are two reasons why the present governmental System is obligated not to give up power:

1) Since the National Socialist movement is the strongest element in the national opposition, it should no longer be a legal organization. That will remove the ability of those opposition voters and party masses to take over the government. The governing coalition of the Center Party and the Marxists will then be the only possible democratic solution.

2) The National Socialist movement, and in a broad sense the whole national opposition, are presumably pursuing a program of illusions and wishful thinking. The present government, however, and the whole ruling system, is supposedly working in a "serious" and "practical" way. It hopes to silence the voices of discontent by emotional appeals to "moral responsibility."

Both reasons are easily refuted.

1. In your speech, Mr. Reich Chancellor, you said the following:

"The National Socialist Party leaders claim their methods and goals are legal, but they stand in blatant contrast to strong statements by no less important leaders that call for senseless civil war and a stupid foreign policy. When one asserts that one wants to achieve power by legal means in order to eliminate those legal barriers, that is not legality. As a statesman, I oppose that in the strongest possible way."

First, it is untrue that I as leader of the National Socialist movement affirm that the party intends to follow legal methods while my subordinates are of a different opinion.

I along with all of my leaders and party members agree fully with this policy, with the exception of those intentional provocateurs sent to infiltrate the party.

However, I am not responsible for them, but rather those high officials who sent them. It is certainly true, Mr. Reich Chancellor, that there have occasionally been individual leaders in my party whose views were not consistent with my viewpoint that we should follow a legal approach. These leaders had closer relations to government offices than I, the official party leader.

Mr. Reich Chancellor, if you think it important to deal with these peculiar matters publicly, I will be happy to provide the public with material that will help them understand how difficult it is to accept the leadership of a large party when individual "members" receive such seductive offers.

Mr. Reich Chancellor, I have always ruthlessly thrown such people out of the party and much to the regret of certain outside interests.

Defense and Not Civil War!

It is further untrue that my subordinates preach "senseless civil war." Instead, we deeply regret this battle. However, it is also true that we are not willing stand defenseless and without protection while we are slaughtered by the murderous Red beast. It is furthermore true that we are not going to let Germany suffer Russia's fate. It is true that we are not going to be kept from making political propaganda because of the terror of treacherous communist political murderers. Finally, it is true that our purely defensive activities have cost us huge sacrifices of blood.

It is true, Mr. Reich Chancellor, that for many months my unarmed and practically defenseless party comrades have been attacked by treacherous murderers, stabbed, injured, and killed. The government-- your government, Mr. Reich Chancellor Bruening-- has done nothing to stop these outrages.

When treacherous communist murderers kill two police officers, their bloody deeds cannot easily be concealed from the public. But when these murderers kill more than fifty National Socialists and injure four thousand more, the world is silent. Certain newspapers have nothing to write about that, nor do the leaders of the governing parties have anything to say!

Consistent with my assurances of using legal methods, I have had to order my followers, with a heavy heart, to give up weapons absolutely. However, Mr. Reich Chancellor, you cannot demand of me that I order them to let themselves be slaughtered without defending themselves, nor would I give that order.

It would perhaps be better to make the world aware of those facts rather than raise doubts about the commitment to legality of a movement that has proven a thousand times its intention to obey the laws.

The Stupidity of the System's Foreign Policy

It is furthermore untrue, Mr. Reich Chancellor, that any of our responsible party leaders has called for "a stupid foreign policy" that is even one thousandth as bad as the stupid foreign policy of the last twelve years, which today is a historically demonstrable fact. Signing the Young Plan alone, which allows France to set reparations payments at whatever level it wishes, was an act of political stupidity that cannot be outweighed by a thousand rhetorical gaffes, even if they actually were that. Thirteen years after the World War the German Reich is in a hopelessly desperate condition. Surely that is not because of the wisdom of our political leadership, but rather because all imaginable political stupidities were put into practice by our foreign policy leaders.

Perhaps a kindly fate will some time in the future send the German people a statesman of real stature whose commission comes not from the 8-Uhr-Blatt or the Morgenpost, but from history itself, a man who will have the time and energy to weigh the foreign policy achievements of 1918-1932 from the standpoint of posterity.[b] I fear that he will have difficulty finding even the smallest scrap of "wisdom" from our time to place on the scale. It will be impossible for him, however, to find weights heavy enough to counterbalance the stupidities.

Let us consider current events:

Do you really believe, Mr. Reich Chancellor, that from the perspective of foreign policy it is correct and intelligent to call a movement that from the national-political viewpoint is Germany's only active proponent of a truly nationalist foreign policy an "illegal" and "destructive" band of criminals? Even though doing so does not slow the victory of this movement in the slightest?

Is it really "statesmanlike wisdom" to attack a party whose victorious march has been unstoppable despite twelve years of oppression, telling the world through an evil-minded press that it is a danger for human society, for tranquility, peace, and order, thereby darkening the name of the inevitable New Germany in the eyes of the world? There are more leaders and members of the National Socialist movement who fought in the great World War than in any other party. We came to know each other under terrible conditions. None of us wishes for a war. Nonetheless, we have remained men who think less of our lives than of freedom when that is necessary. If one screams that that is a "bloodthirsty spirit" that should be exterminated, one signs a death warrant for our nation!

The Incompetence of Democracy

I must admit, Mr. Reich Chancellor, that I find the second part of your remarks completely incomprehensible. "As a statesman," you refuse to allow us to take power by legal means, since we would then violate legality? Mr. Reich Chancellor, the fundamental principle of democracy is that all power derives from the people. The constitution states how a viewpoint, an idea, and therefore an organization may secure legitimation from the people if it is to realize its intentions. In the end, the people decides what its constitution will be.

Mr. Reich Chancellor: If the German nation authorizes the National Socialist movement to introduce a constitution different than today's, you can do nothing to stop it.

Statesmen are primarily responsible for what results from their ideas and deeds, not for what someone else later does. Looking into the future can influence one's actions only if it serves that future.

The German nation does not exist for the sake of a constitution, but rather it requires a constitution that is appropriate for its existence, and when a constitution proves unsuitable, the nation does not die, but rather it changes the constitution!

The System in Conflict with its Own Constitution

I believe that we National Socialists have a better understanding of the spirit of the present constitution than the exponents of the present System. For a constitution is not merely letters on a page; there is also a constitution of the spirit.
Do you believe, Mr. Reich Chancellor, that it corresponds to the principles of democracy and thereby the deepest meaning of the Weimar Constitution when a government remains a government although it knows that the source of its power, the people, has long since ceased to support it? Do you believe, Mr. Reich Chancellor, that the writers of the Weimar Constitution confused the democratic opinions and beliefs of the nation as the ultimate basis of authority with the fears of parliamentary parties who together form a cabinet?

Democracy is unsuitable for Germany because it denies its own essence. England provides us with an excellent example. When the former MacDonald government concluded that there had been a major shift in the opinions of the British people, it dissolved parliament and appealed to the British people. That gave clear expression to the whole world of the drive for national preservation. That was not only fair, it was logical within the framework of democracy.

But what happened with us? For months, each new election has demonstrated the huge shift within our people. A look at the growth of our party, Mr. Reich Chancellor, which is available to you at any time, proves this tendency. But what has happened with us? The pettiest war against the National Socialist movement began, hoping that through laws and chicaneries in the spirit of Metternich, half outrageous and half ludicrous, the System could be defended against democracy. Yes, against democracy and against the constitution, Mr. Reich Chancellor! How else, for example, could one understand a situation in which a state court rules the election law of a provincial parliament as unconstitutional, yet the provincial parliament itself does not dare to subject itself to the judgment of the people because of nervous parties intent on self preservation. Those parties include the Bavarian People's Party and the Social Democrats and both of which support you. You will not find a single expert in constitutional law with any real democratic convictions who will not find this action by the Bavarian Parliament to be unconstitutional. From my point of view, there is more than enough reason to be concerned in Germany today about unconstitutional acts. If you turn your valued attention to this closest danger rather than being diverted by political astigmatism, you should be worried about your illegal takeover of power, not by supposed illegal activities by my movement. Mr. Reich Chancellor! We National Socialists respect the constitution as we fight for political power, and hope that it will be possible for us to give the German people a new and healthier constitution. I promise you even now, however, that we will be more loyal to the present constitution than the current Weimar System is!

I cannot accept your doubts about the present and future legality of my party, Mr. Reich Chancellor, simply because you are a "statesman." Mr. Reich Chancellor, you today are a statesman because of your office, but certainly not because you have the majority required by your constitution. I am a man of the people, and will leave it to the future and to the German people as to whether they wish to give me the often misused title of statesman.

Mr. Reich Chancellor, your doubts about the legality of my party are no justification for the necessity of the current government, nor are your fears about the supposed unreality of our program reasonable.

You said in your speech:

"No one knows more than I the hard fate our people are suffering today. Broad circles of our people have sought refuge from the difficulties in wishful thinking.

Wishful thinking, however, is not a political program. Rescuing Germany will only be possible when the government's policies are not based on illusions, but rather when love of the people and fatherland is guided by the available means.

If the German people gives into the temptation of dealing with the troubles of the present by holding to unclear desires and by setting unreachable goals, Germany will collapse. Anyone who in desperation succumbs to such goals will have a terrible awakening. A government conscious of its responsibility for the people and fatherland may not give in to such currents. It may not and will not hold back from facing the threatening collapse of the people's strength with firm energy. It tolerates no other power than authorized by the constitution. The Reich President and the Reich government alone control state power. They will use them with pitiless strength if necessary, including the imposition of martial law against all who attempt to resist constitutional authorities in the hour of the greatest test of nerves."

Mr. Reich Chancellor! The charge of illusions does not apply to the national opposition, least of all the National Socialist party or me, but above all the present System.

Illusions from Erzberger to Bruening

When the November Revolution of 1918 broke out, the flag of illusion was raised high, and has waved above all governmental actions, whether domestic or foreign, ever since. Your faction leader and party comrade Mattias Erzberger was one of Germany's armistice negotiators in the Forest of Compiegne. On 11 November 1918 he spoke the following memorable and statesmanlike words: "We must accept everything. We have to accept it all. That is the fastest way to get them to forgive us." That was an illusion. It was an illusion with dreadful and terrible consequences, just as terrible as the illusions of the naval units and battleship crews who thought that when they raised their treasonous red flags English ships would do the same.

All the programs of that time, all the promises whether from official government offices or party leaders were, to put it mildly, illusions. The promise of a coming life of "beauty, freedom, and dignity" was just as tragic an illusion as the promises of coming social happiness, social welfare, and upward mobility. They, too, were lies.

There was the illusion of promised reductions in prices, the illusion of "reducing bureaucracy" in government, the illusion of "abolishing secret diplomacy," the illusion of "true democratic equality!" Our whole people back then chased only after illusions, Mr. Reich Chancellor. I was one of the few who even in those years dared to attack these illusions openly in public meetings!

Fear of Its Record

The present System does not dare to release to the public its declarations and promises from its founding days, since they consist wholly of illusions. You are welcome, however, to publish my speeches from these years, and my later ones as well. They would provide support and justification for me today, just as they supported my attacks on your party and its Marxist allies back then.

It was an illusion to give up our naval fleet in the hopes it would be returned to us, an illusion to give up our merchant fleet in the hopes of getting it back, an illusion to disarm in the belief that France would do the same.

It was an illusion to expect help from the conscience of the world, from the League of Nations, or from some other conference.

It was an illusion to sign the Peace Treaty, thinking it was nothing but a formal document, not the intentional destruction of the German people and its economy by France and something already evident back then.

It was an illusion to believe that by signing the war guilt lie, one would be treated leniently, even be "forgiven," when in reality throughout world history every unprincipled act carries within it its own reward.

It was an illusion, Mr. Reich Chancellor, which your party comrade Matthias Erzberger proposed to the Allies a reparations payment of a hundred million gold marks, and the German government actually believed that it could fulfill that, then morally stoned anyone who called this nonsense nonsense.

It was further an illusion during the Ruhr battle to believe that one could intimidate an occupying army by a subsidized general strike, and an even greater illusion to think that one would be able to negotiate more effectively in the future without building an active front in the hinterland.

It was an illusion to sign the Dawes Pact, and to believe in the dream that this would somehow improve the German economy.

It was yet another illusion when one celebrated the Fata Morgana of a Dawes spring as the start of an economic rescue of the state.

The hope one put in the Locarno agreement was an illusion, just as the Young Plan was based on illusions.

Illusions from Dawes to Young

It was an illusion when one thought that one could salvage the finances of the Reich and the Provinces with the Young Plan, also an illusion that one thought that it could rescue the economy.

It was an illusion to believe that the Young Plan would eliminate unemployment, and another illusion that it could save agriculture from collapse. And above all these, there was the still greater illusion that stable and organized conditions had been achieved.

Yes, Herr Reich Chancellor, our reasonable and realistic government leadership fell victim to these illusions, and to countless others besides!

The emergency decrees from which you expected so much, Mr. Reich Chancellor, have also proven to be illusions.

Most fateful of all were the illusions that miserable and weak radio speeches could somehow make these decrees popular.

In my first open letter you to, Mr. Reich Chancellor, I pointed out the serious error in your opinion that Germany must first put its finances and economy in order if it were to have any hope of success in revising the Young Plan. I said then that such an improvement depended not only on revisions to the Young Plan, but also with regards to the Treaty of Versailles. And even were that to succeed, there would be no practical way to eliminate the burdens heaped upon us. How could we persuade the world of the impossibility of meeting these treaties if we proved them to in fact be possible by maintaining our financial and economic health? You, Mr. Reich Chancellor, attempted to present my opinion as mistaken in a speech to the Reichstag, saying that only by reaching into our last resources could we prove to the world the impossibility of fulfilling those treaty obligations.

New Desperate Attempts to Meet Treaty Obligations

First, Mr. Reich Chancellor Bruening, that impossibility has already been proven to the world. Second, one could have proven that to the world at any time during the past six years if one had wanted to. Third, is it true that the present government, in contrast to former ones, attempted to prove the impossibility of meeting what was demanded of us by depending exclusively on our own German resources? No!

In fact, the present government looked for new loans all over the world. Had they been given, it would have been new "proof" that the policy of meeting reparations demands was possible.

Each such tender blossom, no matter how unrealistic, has to strengthen the world's mistaken belief that the reparations nonsense may not be nonsense after all. That, too, is a policy of illusion, Mr. Reich Chancellor.

I also found the proposal of a customs union an incomprehensible "daydream." The whole thing was a classic example of a "policy of illusion!" What an illusion it is to think that without a "rehabilitation" of the inner nature of our people, it is possible to effectively represent our national interests to the outside world.

The Great Illusion of the Emergency Decrees

It is yet another "illusion" to believe that one can "rehabilitate the nation," shaken by worldview conflicts as it is, through police measures authorized by laws.

It is an illusion to believe that we can pay two-and-half billion in tribute each year and two-and-a-half billion more in interest payments, just as is the idea that one can find domestic political support for such an impossibility for very long. No, Mr. Reich Chancellor! For thirteen years a ghostly Pegasus has flown through the blessed realm of limitless illusions: that animal is called German domestic and foreign policy!

Mr. Reich Chancellor, you asked that critical judgments on the new proposed laws be withheld until their effects are clear and demonstrable. I do not understand how a government sure of itself could say this. A statesman convinced of the correctness of his actions and who expects success can only hope that his opponents will criticize them prematurely so that he can refute them once those actions are successful. However, a government that has learned from past experience to be uncertain of its success will naturally prefer to ban any criticism. It realizes in advance that the failure of its promises will later prove critics justified. It will, therefore, prefer to prohibit farsighted men from speaking and writing about developments in order to keep the opposition from later referring back to its prophecies and thereby earning the nation's respect.

Bruening's Social Policy

From a political standpoint I completely understand your desire for a Christmas peace. However, Mr. Reich Chancellor, I would like to look back to your speech during the parliamentary debate defending the first emergency decree. The results are not open to doubt. Back then you gave yourself over to illusions that are unforgivable for a statesman.

At the Reichstag session of 16 October 1930, Mr. Reich Chancellor, you said:

"The Reich government has developed a major economic and financial plan to overcome the crisis."

Mr. Reich Chancellor, that major plan has proven to be an illusion, since the crisis was not overcome.

At the same session, you also said:

"With this emergency decree (of 26.7.30) the Reich President and the Reich government, based on Article 48 of the Weimar Constitution, have taken the first steps to ameliorate the financial, economic, and social crisis."

Mr. Reich Chancellor, neither the financial, nor the economic, nor the social crisis has been ameliorated. Such a view rests on an illusion. You further said:

"Important parts of the welfare system have been revised to make it possible to rescue the welfare system."

Mr. Reich Chancellor, the welfare system seems to me to be less rescued that it was before. Instead, it is seriously threatened. I have the feeling here, too, that this statement will prove to be an illusion.

In that same speech, Mr. Reich Chancellor, you assured us that a basic principle of the reforms back then was the "simplification of the administrative system, in particular a taxation policy that does not unacceptably burden the productive process, but instead encourages savings by small savers, and finally sound financial accords between the Reich, the provinces, and the municipalities."

Since all of these hopes went unfulfilled, we can relegate to the area of illusions as well.

It also turned out to be an illusion that everything would be done as part of this economic plan to put as many people to work as possible.

Finally, you assured us:

"In view of the spiritual and economic crisis of our fatherland, the government considers it one of its most important tasks to do all it can to combat cultural decline as energetically as possible. The severe crisis that Germany must overcome (as already mentioned, that was said on 10.10.30) demands moral strength and courageous solidarity on the part of all who love the fatherland."

Mr. Reich Chancellor, was that an illusion, was it wishful thinking, or are the filthy films in Germany today, along with the Marxist-Jewish cultural subversion we see everywhere, among those efforts to combat cultural destruction?

It was an illusion, however, when you said back then that:

"Sacrifices must be demanded that will lead the way to freedom and recovery."

Economic sacrifices are only secondary to the freedom of peoples. It must primarily be achieved through political sacrifices and achievements. Any other viewpoint is an illusion.

Bruening Admits the System's Illusions

Mr. Reich Chancellor, the new emergency decree on which one places such hopes will also prove an illusion. Early in your speech you said the following:

"On the eve of the publication of a fateful emergency decree I consider it my duty to explain to the German people the goals and decisions of the Reich government. The new measures are the result of world economic conditions, of the burdens laid on the German people, and of our own mistakes. Every day there are new signs of world-wide economic collapse. The sinking of England's currency affects other currencies. A wild economic war of enormous proportions has broken out. The causes of the general crisis, and of Germany's particular role in it, are known. Nonetheless, there are serious worries as to whether the governments can draw the necessary conclusions from this knowledge quickly enough.

Holding to formal legal principles cannot solve the world's problems. Broad solutions free from the outdated thinking of the past must be found. Partial solutions for the world are insufficient."

As a National Socialist, Mr. Reich Chancellor, I owe you thanks for noting for the first time that the responsibility for the present catastrophe is the result of mistakes that our governments have made. And since you are further of the opinion that "holding to formal legalities" cannot solve the world's problems, you are also admitting indirectly that your own government is apparently continuing these mistakes by relying on formal legal measures in the form of these emergency decrees. I assume that none of the former governments made these mistakes with bad intentions or ill will, instead presumably later recognizing as mistakes what they first thought to be correct and helpful; however, these governments erred in the most important and critical matters. They fell victim to "wishful thinking" and chased after "illusions."

You minimize this reproach by adding "world economic conditions" as another reason. Here German governments have succumbed to the worst illusions. However, Mr. Reich Chancellor, you yourself were convinced that the Young Plan was practical, and would lead to improvements because of "world conditions." What a terrible illusion! When you speak of the "outdated thinking" of the past and propose broad solutions that are free of such thinking, I can probably say that this outdated thinking was yours, Mr. Reich Chancellor, and that we have proposed such broad solutions free from outdated thinking for years now.

Your criticism of holding to formal legal principles stands in sharp contradiction to the fear evident in your thinking that the National Socialists might achieve power legally, but thereafter sin against the formal legal principles of the constitution. Why so broad-minded on one case and so worried in the other?

I have not addressed the particulars of the emergency decree. I only intend to establish for the future that its results, too, will be an illusion.

Laws and Implementation Decrees

If an emergency decree is to be unveiled to the world with such aplomb, it cannot be justified by references to this or that aspect of the general crisis, but rather it has to make a fundamental contribution to alleviating causes of the crisis. All great laws have the advantage of having some immediate effect. The lawgiver in such cases has the task of finding the cause of the difficulties in the life of the community, and of changing things. There must, therefore, be a sharp distinction between the law and its methods of implementation. The law must not only meet its goal, but also the goal must be clear in every regard.

What is the goal of the new emergency decree?

If the general claim is to "heal" the damages of the present, that purpose should be clear in the individual details.

The present situation can be characterized by the following points:

Our people's political crisis,
The production crisis,
The unemployment crisis,
The financial crisis in government,
The financial crisis in the private sphere.

The people is interested only in the question of how well or poorly one solves these major crises.

The people is concerned not with the extent of an emergency decree or the period to which it applies and and rightly so. It is not interested in whether or not it took long hours of the day and into the night to develop, but rather it is interested only in the effect it has in dealing with the specified issues.

Through speeches and the press, one attempts to prove the necessity of the new ordinance as a way to alleviate these crises in our public life.

Bruening's Failures

Mr. Reich Chancellor, I now wish to present my views to the German public, just as I did before the Young Plan was signed.

The opinion that the fourth emergency degree will resolve our people's political crisis is an illusion.

The opinion that our domestic economic crisis and our ability to export German goods will be resolved by the emergency decree is an illusion.

The opinion and hope that it will alleviate unemployment is an illusion.

The thought that this emergency decree will resolve the crisis in public finance is an illusion.

Finally, the opinion that it will overcome the financial crises of individuals and the private sector is an illusion.

Instead of the hoped for results, the opposite of each of these five points will occur. The future will prove it.

There is no reason, Mr. Reich Chancellor, for me to support my opinions any further to a System that is convinced that it is the model of reason, and that calls the opposition "dreamers and wishful thinkers." I have even less reason to provide a thorough analysis, since I learned some months ago how willing the so-called "reasonable thinking" of the present government is from time to time to borrow from the opposition's "garden of daydreams and wishful thinking," presenting to an astonished public what it once said were poisoned fruits, but now are innocuous examples of the "new results of expert thinking."

I will restrict myself, therefore, Mr. Reich Chancellor, to a thorough refutation of the last part of the emergency decree.

Even the organization shows here that the government is captive to an illusion, namely the crazy belief that the economy could be put back in order before political life. Such a view is emphasized by various statements of our government to foreign countries in which painful questions about the no longer deniable growth of the National Socialist movement are answered by references to the "world economic crisis." A little thought would lead the government to a different conclusion. If that opinion were really correct, the Economic Party [Bruening was a member of that party] would really have to be in our place! The fact that the opposite is true proves only that the people have long understood what the governing parties still to not understand. Without a national-political "recovery" within the German people, there will be no economic recovery.

Mr. Reich Chancellor, I assume that you seriously believe that the political appendix to the emergency decree is a suitable means for the "recovery" of the German people, and that one can best entrust such a "recovery" to the police.

I assume, Mr. Reich Chancellor, that you have that opinion, but I further assume that some of your colleagues involved in this major historic law have other possibilities in mind, for example to silence the National Socialist movement and in a larger sense the nationalist opposition, or perhaps even to destroy it. If one takes away a man's shirt, and his pants, and removes his membership badge, he has ceased to be a National Socialist! It was always remarkable how one-sidedly politically significant German politicians saw the world. That comes about because instead of dealing with the deeper nature of a movement, one pays heed only to the familiar reporters from the Mosse and Ulstein publishing houses, to the editorial staffs of Germania and Vorwärts, seeing them as the political experts who know what the German people should do!

Bloody Terror and Bruening's Emergency Decree

Mr. Reich Chancellor, you think Germany's domestic peace is threatened. We National Socialists have said for many years that such peace must end if a party consciously preaches Marxist class struggle and incites the worst gutter scum to act as Cheka murderers against human society. We have been unable for years to understand why Marxist newspapers carry almost open calls for the murder of others and hardly a state attorney dares to intervene only because their targets are called Fascists and or in other words, National Socialists. Still, these murders and assaults were kept within relatively narrow boundaries. Mr. Reich Chancellor, it is only since you issued emergency decrees to "protect" domestic order from violence and terror that terror did unfortunately reach unbearable levels. In practice, you and all your emergency decrees have not withstood reality. The most miserable failure is in the "calming of public life." Instead of letting a movement from our people into the visible flow of politics, one kept it away from the spotlight and driven into the darkness. That followed the brilliant method of the well-known philosopher Vogel, who assumed that what he did not see no longer existed.

The efforts to restrict or eliminate political movements made in recent years have led to enormous bitterness and a worsening of the situation.

Do you believe, Mr. Reich Chancellor, that by taking away from an adult man the symbols of his political viewpoint you also eliminate that viewpoint? You make him more fanatical, since he feels himself the victim of misused public force. Just as France was unable to hinder the growth of Germany's national strength, so little, Mr. Reich Chancellor, will you be able through analogous methods to stop the growth of this force within our own national body.

All the restrictions of the so-called uniform ban, the ban on membership badges, etc., only increase the anger against the present System, and from all sides. A quick look at history will persuade you, Mr. Reich Chancellor, that such suppressive measures have always had the opposite effect. And you, Mr. Reich Chancellor, will have a hard time refuting the lesson of history in this matter.

This decree will hardly eliminate the Communist Party from our people and the opposite, in fact. You promote it. And as for the National Socialist movement, I assure you, Mr. Reich Chancellor, that this movement will live and rule Germany long after this decree has been forgotten.

Bruening is a Bad Psychologist

I see how little the psychological effects of such measures are understood
when I consider the time at which the new emergency decree was issued.

One chose the time before Christmas, since one could refer to the holy peace of Christmas and forbid opposition political activity for a long time. Today, naturally, when one bans all meetings, government parties are not affected. No independent person in Germany will even think of defending this decree! It would only be possible to speak against it. What a brilliant idea to use Christmas peace as an indirect shield for this infamous emergency decree! Despite it all, Mr. Reich Chancellor, you have given yourself over to yet another psychological illusion. If the constitutional guarantee of free assembly had been maintained, many a one would have been able to express his discontent. It displays dubious talents as a statesman to close off all means of releasing pressure so that the steam pressure builds up!

Just as it was psychologically wrong to announce the emergency decree at that time since it robbed millions of Germans of even the most modest Christmas joy, so, too, the psychological effects are unfortunate.

You are convinced, Mr. Reich Chancellor, that it will make a major contribution to calming people down if one, for example, bans ten thousand National Socialist Christmas parties, robbing hundreds of thousands of impoverished German children of their Christmas presents!

You are convinced, Mr. Reich Chancellor, that it will contribute to political peace and the calming down of public life if one carries this ban so far as, for example, to ban a symphony concert by a prominent Bavarian orchestra only because it is sponsored by the National Socialist movement! Or do symphonies by Brahms, Bruckner, and Mozart endanger the republic?

History will demonstrate whether the hopes of strangling a movement with such methods are realistic, or whether they belong in the kingdom of illusions.

Disarming Decent Citizens

Finally, Mr. Reich Chancellor, you hope to eliminate terror from public life by the new regulations on weapons.

Disarming decent people has never prevented attacks by less pleasant sorts, and they have never given up their weapons, but rather only decent citizens.

It is a fateful illusion, Mr. Reich Chancellor, to expect that this method will hinder violent acts by communist murderers. The opposite will occur. If you extend the ban on weapons to disarm German households, just as my S.A. is unarmed, Marxist terror will soon move from the streets into homes.

The bandit had never worried about regulations on disarmament. Mr. Reich Chancellor; if you tell him that decent people no longer have weapons at home, you give the bandit license to go into what should be each individual's castle.

I prophesy, Mr. Reich Chancellor, that this part of the emergency decree will lead to an enormous increase in terror and public insecurity!

Mr. Reich Chancellor, if one considers the last emergency decree, one cannot escape the depressing conviction that it will hold the German people captive to the illusions of the past thirteen years. Realizing that, one cannot escape the obligation to speak.

The National Socialist movement is convinced, more than any other movement, that a people that wishes to escape its miserable situation can do so only if it is ready to make heavy sacrifices. It considers these sacrifices to be useful and justified only if they are combined with a new faith. The present government has done everything possible psychologically to make our crisis of confidence eternal. It entirely lacks the basic psychological understanding that a system may continue to exist under the constitution because of the fears of the guilty parties, but has long since lost the support of the people. One cannot govern for two years, piling one disappointment upon another, and appeal in the third year to the same faithful trust that one had at the beginning. The System press, of course, will greet each new emergency decree with loud approval, just as paid applauders in the theatre make the most noise for the most miserable performances. They just don't impress the audience. The people wants no part it any longer. [b]Yet there is no way out that is not based on the faithful trust of the masses. The splintering of our national body will not be alleviated by attempting to bring together conflicting worldviews by laws. The part of the German people that still believes in Marxism shrinks every day; the part that believes in us grows every day. No one believes in the center.

Faith in Germany!

Since all of today's government measures lack a deep connection to the spirit of a worldview, they also lack the psychological force and thereby the elan that is the fundamental requirement for laws to be effective. One cannot call on "civic discipline" forever, one cannot always seek refuge in legal paragraphs. No, one day the demands of the real lawgivers must become the demands of the nation.

The nation, however, will follow such a demand only if it is motivated by a clear and unified will. Doctrinaire calls and formal demands for calm, peace, and order will not over the long term replace a spirit of inner unity. The breakdown of such a spirit, however, can never be alleviated by an emergency decree, but rather only through final victory over the political-moral decay that today dominates Germany.

In your speech, Mr. Reich Chancellor, you attempted to attack the National Socialist movement, thereby hindering our victory. [b]The practical results, together with your emergency decree to "alleviate" our crisis, will in the end only help to bring about the real salvation of the German nation.

Although that was not the intention, this emergency decree will help my party to victory, and therefore put an end to the illusions of the present System.

Berlin, 13 December 1931

Adolf Hitler

NSDAP 1925

NSDAP 1926

NSDAP 1930

ulls010295 - Deutschland, Wirtschaftskrise. Eine Frau gibt einem bettelnden Kriegsinvaliden Geld. Originaltext: "Zeichen unserer Armut: Erschreckende Vermehrung der Bettler"
Berlin Mitte 1922
Germany. Depression. A woman gives money to a disabled soldier. Berlin 1922

ulls010294 - Deutschland. Wirtschalftskrise. Ein blinder Bettler und ein Kind mit Geige vor einem Tabakwarenladen. Ein Mädchen spendet ihm eine Zigarre. Originaltext:
"Zeichen unserer Armut: Erschreckende Vermehrung der Bettler. Berlin, Mitte 1922
Germany, depression. A blind man and a child with a violine in front of a tobacco store begging. A girl donates a cigar. Berlin 1922

Prostitutes in Weimar Berlin, Germany 1920s

ulls010297 - Deutschland. Inflation. Nach Einführung der Rentenmark spielen Kinder und Jugendliche mit dem wertlos gewordenen Bergen von Papiergeld und bauen eine Pyramide aus Geldbündeln. 1923 Germany. Inflation. Children playing with money which has become worthless. 1923

ulls010296 - Deutschland. Wirtschaftskrise. Inflation. Wertlos gewordenes Papiergeld, das unter Aufsicht verbrannt werden soll - 1923
Germany. Inflation. Money which has become worthless shall be burned. 1923

ulls010309 - Col - Deutschland NS-Zeit. Alltag. Junges Paar in seiner Strandburg, die mit Hakenkreuzwimpeln und Fähnchen geschmückt ist. Sommer 1939 oder .
A young German couple in a sandcastle decorated with swastika pennants and banners - Summer 1939 or 1940

Hitler liberates the Sudetanland

Adolf Hitler's speech on women
synergetic67 is offline   Reply With Quote
Old 11-12-2012, 12:50 PM   #246
Join Date: Oct 2012
Posts: 25
Likes: 0 (0 Posts)

Eh going back to your second post some Palestinians fought on the British side...

Also some British fought for the Nazi's

There were even Germans fighting Germans..
vzzzbux is offline   Reply With Quote
Old 11-12-2012, 02:29 PM   #247
Senior Member
Join Date: Sep 2010
Posts: 2,118
Likes: 345 (266 Posts)

"German racialism has been deliberately distorted. It never was an anti-"other race" racialism. It was a pro-German racialism. It was concerned with making the German race strong and healthy in every way. Hitler was not interested in having millions of degenerates, if it was in his power not to have them. Today one finds rampant alcohol and drug addiction everywhere. Hitler cared that the German families be healthy, cared that they raise healthy children for the renewal of a healthy nation. German racialism meant re-discovering the creative values of their own race, re-discovering their culture. It was a search for excellence, a noble idea. National Socialist racialism was not against the other races, it was for its own race. It aimed at defending and improving its race, and wished that all other races did the same for themselves.

That was demonstrated when the Waffen SS enlarged its ranks to include 60,000 Islamic SS. The Waffen SS respected their way of fife, their customs, and their religious beliefs. Each Islamic SS battalion had an imam, each company had a mullah. It was our common wish that their qualities found their highest expression. This was our racialism. I was present when each of my Islamic comrades received a personal gift from Hitler during the new year. It was a pendant with a small Koran. Hitler was honoring them with this small symbolic gift. He was honoring them with what was the most important aspect of their lives and their history. National Socialist racialism was loyal to the German race and totally respected all other races."

~General Léon Degrelle of the Waffen SS

Adolf Hitler’s Armed Forces: A Triumph for Diversity? - Veronica Clark


Non-Aryans and Jews in Hitler's Armed Forces, A photographic history:



The Enigma of Hitler

by Leon Degrelle


"Hitler -- You knew him -- what was he like?"

I have been asked that question a thousand times since 1945, and nothing is more difficult to answer.

Approximately two hundred thousand books have dealt with the Second World War and with its central figure, Adolf Hitler. But has the real Hitler been discovered by any of them? "The enigma of Hitler is beyond all human comprehension," the left-wing German weekly 'Die Zeit' once put it.

Salvador Dali, art's unique genius, sought to penetrate the mystery in one of his most intensely dramatic paintings. Towering mountain landscapes all but fill the canvas, leaving ony a few luminous meters of seashore dotted with delicately miniaturized human figures: the last witness to a dying peace. A huge telephone receiver dripping tears of blood hangs from the branch of a dead tree; and here and there hang umbrellas and bats whose portent is visibly the same. As Dali tells it, "Chamberlain's umbrella appeared in this painting in a sinister light, made evident by the bat, and it struck me when I painted it as a thing of enormous anguish."

He then confided: "I felt this painting to be deeply prophetic. But I confess that I haven't yet figured out the Hitler enigma either. He attracted me only as an object of my mad imaginings and because I saw him as a man uniquely capable of turning things completely upside down."

What a lesson in humility for the braying critics who have rushed into print since 1945 with their thousands of 'definitive' books, most of them scornful, about this man who so troubled the introspective Dali that forty years later he still felt anguished and uncertain in the presence of his own hallucinatory painting. Apart from Dali, who else has ever tried to present an objective portrayal of this extraordinary man who Dali labeled the most explosive figure in human history?

The mountains of Hitler books based on blind hatred and ignorance do little to describe or explain the most powerful man the world has ever seen. How, I ponder, do these thousands of disparate portraits of Hitler in any way resemble the man I knew? The Hitler seated beside me, standing up, talking, listening. It has become impossible to explain to people fed fantastic tales for decades that what they have read or heard on television just does not correspond to the truth.

People have come to accept fiction, repeated a thousand times over, as reality. Yet they have never seen Hitler, never spoken to him, never heard a word from his mouth. The very name of Hitler immediately conjures up a grimacing devil, the fount of all of one's negative emotions. Like Pavlov's bell, the mention of Hitler is meant to dispense with substance and reality. In time, however, history will demand more than these summary judgments.
Hitler is always present before my eyes: as a man of peace in 1936, as a man of war in 1944. It is not possible to have been a personal witness to the life of such an extraordinary man without being marked by it forever. Not a day goes by but Hitler rises again in my memory, not as a man long dead, but as a real being who paces his office floor, seats himself in his chair, pokes the burning logs in the fireplace.

The first thing anyone noticed when he came into view was his small mustache. Countless times he had been advised to shave it off, but he always refused: people were used to him the way he was.

He was not tall -- no more than was Napoleon or Alexander the Great.

Hitler had deep blue eyes that many found bewitching, although I did not find them so. Nor did I detect the electric current his hands were said to give off. I gripped them quite a few times and was never struck by his lightening.

His face showed emotion or indifference according to the passion or apathy of the moment. At times he was as though benumbed, saying not a word, while his jaws moved in the meanwhile as if they were grinding an obstacle to smithereens in the void. Then he would come suddenly alive and launch into a speech directed at you alone, as though he were addressing a crowd of hundreds of thousands at Berlin's Tempelhof airfield. Then he became as if transfigured. Even his complexion, otherwise dull, lit up as he spoke. And at such times, to be sure, Hitler was strangely attractive and as if possessed of magic powers.

Anything that might have seemed too solemn in his remarks, he quickly tempered with a touch of humour. The picturesque world, the biting phrase were at his command. In a flash he would paint a word-picture that brought a smile, or come up with an unexpected and disarming comparison. He could be harsh and even implacable in his judgments and yet almost at the same time be surprisingly conciliatory, sensitive and warm.

After 1945 Hitler was accused of every cruelty, but it was not in his nature to be cruel. He loved children. It was an entirely natural thing for him to stop his car and share his food with young cyclists along the road. Once he gave his raincoat to a derelict plodding in the rain. At midnight he would interrupt his work and prepare the food for his dog Blondi.

He could not bear to eat meat, because it meant the death of a living creature. He refused to have so much as a rabbit or a trout sacrificed to provide his food. He would allow only eggs on his table, because egg-laying meant that the hen had been spared rather than killed.

Hitler's eating habits were a constant source of amazement to me. How could someone on such a rigorous schedule, who had taken part in tens of thousands of exhausting mass meetings from which he emerged bathed with sweat, often losing two to four pounds in the process; who slept only three to four hours a night; and who, from 1940 to 1945, carried the whole world on his shoulders while ruling over 380 million Europeans: how, I wondered, could he physically survive on just a boiled egg, a few tomatoes, two or three pancakes, and a plate of noodles? But he actually gained weight!
He drank only water. He did not smoke and would not tolerate smoking in his presence. At one or two o'clock in the morning he would still be talking, untroubled, close to his fireplace, lively, often amusing. He never showed any sign of weariness. Dead tired his audience might be, but not Hitler.

He was depicted as a tired old man. Nothing was further from the truth. In September 1944, when he was reported to be fairly doddering, I spent a week with him. His mental and physical vigor were still exceptional. The attempt made on his life on July 20th had, if anything, recharged him. He took tea in his quarters as tranquilly as if we had been in his small private apartment at the chancellery before the war, or enjoying the view of snow and bright blue sky through his great bay window at Berchtesgaden.

At the very end of his life, to be sure, his back had become bent, but his mind remained as clear as a flash of lightening. The testament he dictated with extraordinary composure on the eve of his death, at three in the morning of April 29, 1945, provides us a lasting testimony. Napoleon at Fontainebleau was not without his moments of panic before his abdication. Hitler simply shook hands with his associates in silence, breakfasted as on any other day, then went to his death as if he were going on a stroll. When has history ever witnessed so enormous a tragedy brought to its end with such iron self control?

Hitler's most notable characteristic was ever his simplicity. The most complex of problems resolved itself in his mind into a few basic principles. His actions were geared to ideas and decisions that could be understood by anyone. The laborer from Essen, the isolated farmer, the Ruhr industrialist, and the university professor could all easily follow his line of thought. The very clarity of his reasoning made everything obvious.

His behaviour and his life style never changed even when he became the ruler of Germany. He dressed and lived frugally. During his early days in Munich, he spent no more than a mark per day for food. At no stage in his life did he spend anything on himself. Throughout his 13 years in the chancellery he never carried a wallet or ever had money of his own.
Hitler was self-taught and made no attempt to hide the fact. The smug conceit of intellectuals, their shiny ideas packaged like so many flashlight batteries, irritated him at times. His own knowledge he had acquired through selective and unremitting study, and he knew far more than thousands of diploma-decorated academics.

I don't think anyone ever read as much as he did. He normally read one book every day, always first reading the conclusion and the index in order to gauge the work's interest for him. He had the power to extract the essence of each book and then store it in his computer-like mind. I have heard him talk about complicated scientific books with faultless precision, even at the height of the war.

His intellectual curiosity was limitless. He was readily familiar with the writings of the most diverse authors, and nothing was too complex for his comprehension. He had a deep knowledge and understanding of Buddha, Confucius and Jesus Christ, as well as Luther, Calvin, and Savonarola; of literary giants such as Dante, Schiller, Shakespeare and Goethe; and analytical writers such as Renan and Gobineau, Chamberlain and Sorel.
He had trained himself in philosophy by studying Aristotle and Plato. He could quote entire paragraphs of Schopenhauer from memory, and for a long time carried a pocked edition of Schopenhauer with him. Nietzsche taught him much about the willpower.

His thirst for knowledge was unquenchable. He spend hundreds of hours studying the works of Tacitus and Mommsen, military strategists such as Clausewitz, and empire builders such as Bismark. Nothing escaped him: world history or the history of civilizations, the study of the Bible and the Talmud, Thomistic philosophy and all the masterpieces of Homer, Sophocles, Horace, Ovid, Titus Livius and Cicero. He knew Julian the Apostate as if he had been his contemporary.

His knowledge also extended to mechanics. He knew how engines worked; he understood the ballistics of various weapons; and he astonished the best medical scientists with his knowledge of medicine and biology.

The universality of Hitler's knowledge may surprise or displease those unaware of it, but it is nonetheless a historical fact: Hitler was one of the most cultivated men of this century. Many times more so than Churchill, an intellectual mediocrity; or than Pierre Lavaal, with him mere cursory knowledge of history; of than Roosevelt; or Eisenhower, who never got beyond detective novels.

Even during his earliest years, Hitler was different than other children. He had an inner strength and was guided by his spirit and his instincts.

He could draw skillfully when he was only eleven years old. His sketches made at that age show a remarkable firmness and liveliness. He first paintings and watercolors, created at age 15, are full of poetry and sensitivity. One of his most striking early works, 'Fortress Utopia,' also shows him to have been an artist of rare imagination. His artistic orientation took many forms. He wrote poetry from the time he was a lad. He dictated a complete play to his sister Paula who was amazed at his presumption. At the age of 16, in Vienna, he launched into the creation of an opera. He even designed the stage settings, as well as all the costumes; and, of course, the characters were Wagnerian heroes.

More than just an artist, Hitler was above all an architect. Hundreds of his works were notable as much for the architecture as for the painting. From memory alone he could reproduce in every detail the onion dome of a church or the intricate curves of wrought iron. Indeed, it was to fulfill his dream of becoming an architect that Hitler went to Vienna at the beginning of the century.

When one sees the hundreds of paintings, sketches and drawings he created at the time, which reveal his mastery of three dimensional figures, it is astounding that his examiners at the Fine Arts Academy failed him in two successive examinations. German historian Werner Maser, no friend of Hitler, castigated these examiners: "All of his works revealed extraordinary architectural gifts and knowledge. The builder of the Third Reich gives the former Fine Arts Academy of Vienna cause for shame."

In his room, Hitler always displayed an old photograph of his mother. The memory of the mother he loved was with him until the day he died. Before leaving this earth, on April 30, 1945, he placed his mother's photograph in front of him. She had blue eyes like his and a similar face. Her maternal intuition told her that her son was different from other children. She acted almost as if she knew her son's destiny. When she died, she felt anguished by the immense mystery surrounding her son.

Throughout the years of his youth, Hitler lived the life of a virtual recluse. He greatest wish was to withdraw from the world. At heart a loner, he wandered about, ate meager meals, but devoured the books of three public libraries. He abstained from conversations and had few friends.

It is almost impossible to imagine another such destiny where a man started with so little and reached such heights. Alexander the great was the son of a king. Napoleon, from a well-to-do family, was a general at 24. Fifteen years after Vienna, Hitler would still be an unknown corporal. Thousands of others had a thousand times more opportunity to leave their mark on the world.

Hitler was not much concerned with his private life. In Vienna he had lived in shabby, cramped lodgings. But for all that he rented a piano that took up half his room, and concentrated on composing his opera. He lived on bread, milk, and vegetable soup. His poverty was real. He did not even own an over-coat. He shoveled streets on snowy days. He carried luggage at the railway station. He spent many weeks in shelters for the homeless. But he never stopped painting or reading.

Despite his dire poverty, Hitler somehow managed to maintain a clean appearance. Landlords and landladies in Vienna and Munich all remembered him for his civility and pleasant disposition. His behaviour was impeccable. His room was always spotless, his meager belongings meticulously arranged, and his clothes neatly hung or folded. He washed and ironed his own clothes, something which in those days few men did. He needed almost nothing to survive, and money from the sale of a few paintings was sufficient to provide for all his needs.

Impressed by the beauty of the church in a Benedictine monastery where he was part of the choir and served as an altar boy, Hitler dreamt fleetingly of becoming a Benedictine monk. And it was at that time, too, interestingly enough, that whenever he attended mass, he always had to pass beneath the first swastika he had ever seen: it was graven in the stone escutcheon of the abbey portal.

Hitler's father, a customs officer, hoped the boy would follow in his footsteps and become a civil servant. His tutor encouraged him to become a monk. Instead the young Hitler went, or rather fled, to Vienna. And there, thwarted in his artistic aspirations by the bureaucratic mediocrities of academia, he turned to isolation and meditation. Lost in the great capital of Austria-Hungary, he searched for his destiny.

During the first 30 years of Hitler's life, the date April 20, 1889, meant nothing to anyone. He was born on that day in Braunau, a small town in the Inn valley. During his exile in Vienna, he often thought of his modest home, and particularly of his mother. When she fell ill, he returned home from Vienna to look after her. For weeks he nursed her, did all the household chores, and supported her as the most loving of sons. When she finally died, on Christmas eve, his pain was immense. Wracked with grief, he buried his mother in the little country cemetery. "I have never seen anyone so prostrate with grief," said his mother's doctor, who happened to be Jewish.

Hitler had not yet focused on politics, but without his rightly knowing, that was the career to which he was most strongly called. Politics would ultimately blend with his passion for art. People, the masses, would be the clay the sculptor shapes into an immortal form. The human clay would become for him a beautiful work of art like one of Myron's marble sculptures, a Hans Makart painting, or Wagner's Ring Trilogy.

His love of music, art and architecture had not removed him from the political life and social concerns of Vienna. In order to survive, he worked as a common laborer sided by side with other workers. He was a silent spectator, but nothing escaped him: not the vanity and egoism of the bourgeoisie, not the moral and material misery of the people, nor yet the hundreds of thousands of workers who surged down the wide avenues of Vienna with anger in their hearts.

He had also been taken aback by the growing presence in Vienna of bearded Jews wearing caftans, a sight unknown in Linz. "How can they be Germans?" he asked himself. He read the statistics: in 1860 there were 69 Jewish families in Vienna; 40 years later there were 200,000. They were everywhere. He observed their invasion of the universities and the legal and medical professions, and their takeover of the newspapers.

Hitler was exposed to the passionate reactions of the workers to this influx, but the workers were not alone in their unhappiness. There were many prominent persons in Austria and Hungary who did not hide their resentment at what they believed was an alien invasion of their country. The mayor of Vienna, a Christian-Democrat and a powerful orator, was eagerly listened to by Hitler.

Hitler was also concerned with the fate of the eight million Austrian Germans kept apart from Germany, and thus deprived of their rightful German nationhood. He saw Emperor Franz Josef as a bitter and petty old man unable to cope with the problems of the day and the aspirations of the future.
Quietly, the young Hitler was summing things up in his mind.

First: Austrians were part of Germany, the common fatherland.

Second: The Jews were aliens within the German community.

Third: Patriotism was only valid if it was shared by all classes. The common people with whom Hitler had shared grief and humiliation were just as much a part of the fatherland as the millionaires of high society.

Fourth: Class war would sooner or later condemn both workers and bosses to ruin in any country. No country could survive class war; only cooperation between workers and bosses can benefit the country. Workers must be respected and live with decency and honor. Creativity must never be stifled.
When Hitler later said that he had formed his social and political doctrine in Vienna, he told the truth. Ten years later his observations made in Vienna would become the order of the day.

Thus Hitler was to live for several years in the crowded city of Vienna as a virtual outcast, yet quietly observing everything around him. His strength came from within. He did not rely on anyone to do his thinking for him. Exceptional human beings always feel lonely amid the vast human throng. Hitler saw his solitude as a wonderful opportunity to meditate and not to be submerged in a mindless sea. In order not to be lost in the wastes of a sterile desert, a strong soul seeks refuge within himself. Hitler was such a soul.
The lightning in Hitler's life would come from the word.

All his artistic talent would be channeled into his mastery of communication and eloquence. Hitler would never conceive of popular conquests without the power of the word. He would enchant and be enchanted by it. He would find total fulfillment when the magic of his words inspired the hearts and minds of the masses with whom he communed.

He would feel reborn each time he conveyed with mystical beauty the knowledge he had acquired in his lifetime.

Hitler's incantory eloquence will remain, for a very long time, a vast field of study for the psychoanalyst. The power of Hitler's word is the key. Without it, there would never have been a Hitler era.

Did Hitler believe in God? He believed deeply in God. He called God the Almighty, master of all that is known and unknown.

Propagandists portrayed Hitler as an atheist. He was not. He had contempt for hypocritical and materialistic clerics, but he was not alone in that. He believed in the necessity of standards and theological dogmas, without which, he repeatedly said, the great institution of the Christian church would collapse. These dogmas clashed with his intelligence, but he also recognized that it was hard for the human mind to encompass all the problems of creation, its limitless scope and breathtaking beauty. He acknowledged that every human being has spiritual needs.

The song of the nightingale, the pattern and color of a flower, continually brought him back to the great problems of creation. No one in the world has spoken to me so eloquently about the existence of God. He held this view not because he was brought up as a Christian, but because his analytical mind bound him to the concept of God.

Hitler's faith transcended formulas and contingencies. God was for him the basis of everything, the ordainer of all things, of his Destiny and that of all others."



Leon Degrelle, before the Second World War was Europe's youngest political leader and the founder of the Rexist Party of Belgium. During that cataclysmic confrontation he was one of the greatest heroes on the Eastern Front. Of Leon Degrelle, Hitler said: "If I should have a son I would like him to be like Leon."

As a statesman and a soldier he has known very closely Hitler, Mussolini, Churchill, Franco, Laval, Marshal Petain and all the European leaders during the enormous ideological and military clash that was World War Two. Alone among them, he has survived, remaining the number one witness of that historical period.

The life of Leon Degrelle began in 1906 in Bouillon, a small town in the Belgian Ardennes. His family was of French origin.

He studied at the University of Louvain, where he acquired a doctorate in law. He was-and is-also interested in other aca¬demic disciplines, such as political science, art, archeology and Domestic philosophy.

As a student his natural gift of leadership became apparent. By the time he reached twenty he had already published five books and operated his own weekly newspaper. Out of his deep Chris¬tian conviction he joined Belgium's Catholic Action Movement and became one of its leaders.

But his passion has always been people.

He wanted to win the crowds, particularly the Marxist ones. He wanted them to share his ideals of social and spiritual change for society. He wanted to lift people up; to forge for them a stable, efficient and responsible state, a state backed by the good sense of people and for the sole benefit of the people.

He addressed more than 2,000 meetings, always controversial. His books and newspapers were read everywhere because they always dealt with the real issues. Although not yet twenty-five, people listened to him avidly.

In a few short years he had won over a large part of the population. On the twenty-forth of May 1936 his Rexist Party won against the established parties a smashing electoral victory: Thirty-four house and senate seats.

The Europe of 1936 was split into little countries, jealous of their pasts and closed to any contact with their neighbors. He addressed more than 2,000 meetings, always controversial. His books and newspaper were read everywhere because they always dealt with the real issues. Although not yet twenty-five, people listened to him avidly.

In a few short years he had won over a large part of the population. On the twenty-fourth of May 1936 his Rexist Party won against the established parties a smashing electoral victory: Thirty-four house and senate seats.

The Europe of 1936 was still split into little countries, jealous of their pasts and closed to any contact with their neighbors.

Leon Degrelle saw further. In his student days he had traveled across Latin America, the United States and Canada. He had visited North Africa, the Middle East and of course all of the European countries. He felt that Europe had a unique destiny and must unite.
Mussolini invited him to Rome. Churchill saw him in London and Hitler received him in Berlin.

Putting his political life on the line, he made desperate efforts to stop the railroading of Europe into another war. But old rival¬ries, petty hatreds and suspicion between the French and the German, were cleverly exploited. The established parties and the Communist Party worked on the same side: for war. For the Kremlin it was a unique opportunity to communize Europe after it had been bled white.

Thus, war started. First in Poland, then in Western Europe in 1940. This was to become the Second World War in 1941.

Soon the flag of the Swastika flew from the North Pole to the shores of Greece to the border of Spain.

But the European civil war between England and Germany continued. And the rulers of Communism got ready to move in and pick up the pieces.

But Hitler beat them to it and invaded the Soviet Union on June 22, 1941. For Europe it was to be heads or tails; Hitlers wins or Stalin wins.

It was then that from every country in Europe thousands of young men made up their minds that the destiny of their native country was at stake. They would volunteer their lives to fight communism and create a united Europe.

In all, they would grow to be more than 600,000 non-German Europeans fighting on the Eastern Front. They would bring scores of divisions to the Waffen SS.

The Waffen SS were ideological and military shock troops of Europe. The Germans, numbering 400,000 were actually in the minority.

The one million-strong Waffen SS represented the first truly European army to ever exist.

After the war each unit of this army was to provide their people with a political structure free of the petty nationalism of the past. All the SS fought the same struggle. All shared the same world view. All became comrades in arms.

The most important political and military phenomenon of World War Two is also the least known: the phenomenon of the Waffen SS.

Leon Degrelle is one of the most famous Waffen SS soldiers. After joining as a private he earned all stripes from corporal to general for exceptional bravery in combat. He engaged in sev¬enty-five hand-to-hand combat actions. He was wounded on nu¬merous occasions.
He was the recipient of the highest honors: The Ritterkreuz, the Oak-Leaves, the Gold German Cross and nu¬merous other decorations for outstanding valor under enemy fire.
One of the last to fight on the Eastern Front, Leon Degrelle escaped unconditional surrender by flying some 1500 miles across Europe toward Spain. He managed to survive constant fire all along the way and crash landed on the beach of San Sebastian in Spain, critically wounded.

Against all odds he survived. Slowly he managed to re-build a new life in exile for himself and his family.

For Degrelle philosophy and politics cannot exist without his¬torical knowledge. For him beauty enhances people and people cannot improve their lives without it.

This philosophy is reflected in everything he does. In his Span¬ish home art blends gracefully with history.

The work of Leon Degrelle has always been epic and poetic. As he walks in the environment of his home one feels the greatness of Rome with its marbles, its bronzes, its translucent glass; one feels the elegant Arabian architecture, the gravity of the Gothic form and the sumptuousness of Renaissance and Baroque art. One feels the glory of his flags.

In this atmosphere of beauty and greatness, the last and most important witness of World War Two.
Leon Degrelle - The Epic Story of the Waffen SS

Leon Degrelle's Military record


12.02.1942 Gefreiter (Heer)
28.02.1942 Oberfeldwebel (Heer)
01.05.1942 Leutnant d. R. (Heer)
01.06.1943 SS-Obersturmführer d. R. der Waffen-SS
01.01.1944 SS-Hauptsturmführer d. R. der Waffen-SS
20.04.1944 SS-Sturmbannführer d. R. der Waffen-SS
01.01.1945 SS-Obersturmbannführer d. R. der Waffen-SS
20.04.1945 SS-Standartenführer d. R. der Waffen-SS

Note: Degrelle was promoted directly to SS-Brigadeführer und Generalmajor der Waffen-SS d. R. by Heinrich Himmler on 02.05.1945; an entry to this effect appears in his Soldbuch, however this promotion cannot be considered official as Himmler had been stripped of all SS and Party posts by Führer order on 28.04.1945.

Decorations & awards:

22.08.1944 Mentioned in the Wehrmachtbericht
27.08.1944 Eichenlaub zum Ritterkreuz des Eisernen Kreuzes as SS-Sturmbannführer d. R. and Kdr. 5.SS-Freiwilligen-Panzer-Brigade “Wallonien” / Kampfgruppe Wagner / Armee-Abteilung Narwa / Heeresgruppe Nord, Northeastern Front
20.02.1944 Ritterkreuz des Eisernen Kreuzes as SS-Hauptsturmfuhrer d. R., and Führer SS-Sturmbrigade “Wallonien” / 8.Armee / Heeresgruppe Süd, Eastern Front
09.10.1944 Deutsches Kreuz in Gold as SS-Sturmbannführer d. R. and Kdr. 5.SS-Freiwilligen-Sturmbrigade “Wallonien” / 5.SS-Panzer-Division “Wiking” / III.(germanische) SS-Panzer-Korps / Armee-Abteilung Grasser / Heeresgruppe Nord, Northeastern Front
21.05.1942 1939 Eisernes Kreuz I. Klasse
13.03.1942 1939 Eisernes Kreuz II. Klasse
14.09.1944 Nahkampfspange III.Stufe (Gold)
19.03.1944 Nahkampfspange II.Stufe (Silber)
30.11.1943 Nahkampfspange I.Stufe (Bronze) (other documents indicate 23.12.1943 and 20 .02. 1944)
25.08.1942 Infanterie-Sturmabzeichen in Silber
19.03.1944 Verwundetenabzeichen, 1939 in Gold
20.02.1944 Verwundetenabzeichen, 1939 in Silber (another document indicates 23.12.1943)
15.08.1942 Medaille “Winterschlacht im Osten 1941/42” (Ostmedaille)

After Germany's defeat, Degrelle fled first to Denmark and eventually fled to Norway, where he commandeered a Heinkel He 111 aircraft,[3] allegedly provided by Albert Speer. He was severely wounded in a crash-landing on a beach in San Sebastian in Northern Spain. The government of Franco in Spain initially refused to hand him over to the Allies (or extradite him to Belgium) by citing his health condition. After further international pressures, Francisco Franco permitted his escape from hospital, while handing over a look-alike; in the meanwhile, José Finat y Escrivá de Romaní helped Degrelle obtain false papers. In 1954, in order to ensure his stay, Spain granted him Spanish citizenship under the name José León Ramírez Reina, and the Falange assigned him the leadership of a construction firm that benefitted from state contracts. Belgium convicted him of treason in absentia and condemned him to death by firing squad.

While in Spain, during the time of Franco, Degrelle maintained a high standard of living and would frequently appear in public and in private meetings in a white uniform featuring his German decorations, while expressing his pride over his close contacts and "thinking bond" with Adolf Hitler. He continued to live undisturbed when Spain became democratic after the death of Franco.

Emergency landing of Degrelle's Heinkel 111 in the Beach of La Concha in San Sebastián, Spain, in May 1945

Léon Degrelle also wrote a memoir of his pre-war friendship with the artist Hergé, which led to the cartoon character Tintin being based on Degrelle

Léon Degrelle (1906-1994) - still in Heer uniform - posing with the youngest members of his Rexist movement.

At the end of the war, Degrelle’s children (including his youngest child, his son) were seized by the Allied victors and separated from one another and given different names. The authorities ordered that they were never to be permitted contact with one another or with their father. But through a network of friends and supporters throughout Europe, Degrelle was able to reunite his family in exile in Spain.

The officer to Degrelle's left is Richard Jungclaus, SS-Gruppenfuhrer and Generalleutnant of Polizei.

Gen. Degrelle with members of the Spanish
student organisation CEDADE

At the marriage of one of his six daughters, Marie-Christine, 1969.

with his friend, the French superstar Alain Delon during the filming of Zorro in Spain

Last edited by synergetic67; 11-12-2012 at 03:00 PM.
synergetic67 is offline   Reply With Quote
Old 11-12-2012, 07:53 PM   #248
quaere verum
Senior Member
Join Date: Dec 2012
Posts: 415
Likes: 1 (1 Post)

Thanks Synergetic 67

Espescially the Leon Degrelle video. I have his book but have not seen this. He pretty much narrates his book verbatim in the video.
quaere verum is offline   Reply With Quote
Old 11-12-2012, 08:34 PM   #249
Join Date: Jul 2009
Location: location location
Posts: 16,981
Likes: 3 (3 Posts)

Originally Posted by quaere verum View Post
Thanks Synergetic 67

Espescially the Leon Degrelle video. I have his book but have not seen this. He pretty much narrates his book verbatim in the video.
rodin is offline   Reply With Quote
Old 14-12-2012, 03:04 PM   #250
Senior Member
Join Date: Sep 2010
Posts: 2,118
Likes: 345 (266 Posts)


Background: On the occasion of the first Nuremberg Rally that followed Hitler’s 1933 election to power, Goebbels gave a speech discussing the bad press Germany was receiving because of its racial policies. Goebbels claims that the Jews are making a mistake in attacking Germany, since by doing so they run the risk of putting National Socialist views on the agenda for discussion. He suggests many in the world will as a result come to agree with the National Socialists.

The Source: “Rassenfrage und Weltpropaganda,” Reichstagung in Nürnberg 1933 (Berlin: Vaterländischer Verlag C. A. Weller, 1933), pp. 131-142. This was the illustrated volume put out by Julius Streicher to commemorate the rally.


The Racial Question and World Propaganda

by Joseph Goebbels


The National Socialist revolution is a typical German product. Its scale and historical significance can only be compared with other great events in human history. It would be false and misleading to compare this revolution to other transformations in recent European history. True, it shares their impulses, their energy, and perhaps even their methods, with some exceptions. But its foundations, causes, and therefore results are entirely different. It could not have happened without the war and the November Revolt, at least in its speed and power.

The Versailles treaty of non-peace stood in its way. Poverty, unemployment, desperation, and decay accompanied it through all its ups and downs. An over-refined democratic parliamentarianism that today seems almost grotesque found its last and highest expression. It provided the stage on which National Socialism rose to power. We told our opposition often enough that although we were using its weapons and rules for our purposes, we had nothing intellectually or politically in common with them. To the contrary, our goal was to use these means to put an end to them and their methods, to finally eliminate their theories and policies. Both in theory and practice, National Socialism opposes liberalism.

Just as liberalism after the French Revolution had various effects on every nation and people, depending on their nature and character, the same is true today for the forces that oppose it. German democracy was always a particular playground of European liberalism. Its innate tendency towards excessive individualism was foreign to us, which lost it any connection to real political life after the war. It had nothing to do with the people. It represented not the totality of the nation, but turned into a perpetual war between interests that gradually destroyed the national and social foundations of our people’s existence.

National Socialism was able to overcome this condition of continual spiritual, economic, and political crises only because the German people themselves regained their composure, and found a political idea and organization that corresponded to the character of the German nation. National Socialism is a completely German phenomenon. It can only be understood in the framework of German conditions and forces. Like Mussolini once said about Fascism, “it is not for export.”

Nonetheless, we see the National Socialist revolution as an event that affects the entire world. Besides, the solution of the German Question cannot be without consequences for the future constellation of Europe. It is a warning for the entire liberal world that Germany has replaced democracy with an authoritarian system, that liberalism broke under the blows of the national uprising, that parliamentarianism and the party system are outdated concepts for us.

The past three years have proven that the strength of a new idea is stronger than the resources of an outdated worldview, even when it defends itself with the instruments of state. A new kind of authority has been established in every area of public life in Germany.

The insane belief in equality that found its crassest expression in political parties is no more. The principle of personality has replaced the notion of popular idiocy. A united German nation was born, despite all the labor pains. It is not surprising that those who benefited from parliamentarianism struck their tents when they saw that National Socialism was firmly established. They decided to take up their activity beyond our borders. That does not mean they have given up on Germany. They believe their hour may not be near, but that it will eventually come.

They do all they can to cause the Reich domestic and international difficulties. These pacifists from head to toe do not even hesitate to urge bloody war against Germany in the foreign papers that are not yet wise enough to refuse them space.

One cannot make sense of this situation without understanding the significance of the racial or Jewish Question.

The National Socialist government also cannot ignore it. Our laws suffer hard and often unjustified criticism abroad, above all from International Jewry itself. But one should not forget that dealing with the Jewish Question through legal means was the best approach. Or should the government have followed the principles of democracy and majority rule and let the people themselves solve the problem?

History has never had a revolution less bloody, more disciplined and more orderly than ours. In attempting to deal with the Jewish question and to approach the matter legally for the first time in Europe’s history, we are only following the spirit of the age.

Defending against the Jewish danger is only part of our plan. When it becomes the only issue when National Socialism is discussed, that is Jewry’s fault, not ours. It has attempted to mobilize the world against us in the secret hope of winning back the territory it has lost.

This hope is not only in vain, it also carries with it a series of dangers and difficulties for Jewry itself. It cannot prevent arguments throughout the world not only against our policies, but also for them. The discussion has taken on an extent that both in the immediate and distant future could have extraordinarily unpleasant consequences for the Jewish race.

Richard Wagner once called the Jews the “plastic demon of decomposition” and Theodor Mommsen meant the same when he saw them as the “ferment of decomposition.” In contrast, the Aryan sees himself as a creative creature. There may be a certain tragedy inherent in the nature of the Jews, but is it our fault that this race works destructively among the peoples and is a constant danger to their domestic and international security?

The fundamental differences between the two races were responsible for the repeated explosions during the November years [1918-1933]. As long as the Jews remain anonymous, they are secure. The moment they lose their anonymity, the racial problem became acute and required a suitable solution. We certainly do not hold the Jews solely to blame for the German spiritual and economic catastrophe. We all know the other causes that led to the decline of our people. However, we have the courage to recognize their role in the process, and to name them by name.

It was difficult for a time to persuade the people of this, for public opinion was entirely in Jewish hands.

On a Berlin stage run by the Jews, a steel helmet bearing the words “Away with the filth!” was swept into the dust heap. The Jew Gumbel said the dead of the war had “fallen on the field of dishonor.” The Jew Lessing compared Hindenburg with the mass murderer Haarmann. The Jew Toller said heroism was “the most stupid ideal.” The Jew Arnold Zweig spoke of the German people as a “horde that needed to be unmasked,” as the “animalistic power of the eternal Boche,” and as a “nation of newspaper readers, a herd of voters, businessmen, murderers, marchers, operetta lovers, and bureaucratic cadavers.”

Is it surprising that the German Revolution also broke this unbearable yoke? When one further considers the alienation of German intellectual life by International Jewry, its corruption of German justice that finally led to the fact that only one out of every five judges was German, the takeover of the medical profession, their predominance among university professors, in short, the fact that nearly all intellectual professions were dominated by the Jews, one has to grant that no people with any self esteem could tolerate that for long. It was only an act of national renewal when the National Socialist revolution took action in this area.

People abroad often do not know the real causes of German Jewish legislation. The statistics are most persuasive.

Nonetheless, we held back at the beginning of our work. We had more important things to do than to take on a question of such great scope. It is entirely the fault of Jewry that things turned out differently. The boycott and atrocity propaganda they made in other countries was an attempt by International Jewry to accomplish by means of public opinion in other countries what had been made impossible by our takeover in Germany. They attempted to cause difficulties for Germany’s rebirth through a worldwide boycott campaign, and to render it ineffective.

We finally resorted to a counter-boycott during that critical period. The fact that their racial comrades still in Germany suffered loss is thanks to their racial comrades beyond our borders, who were trying to cause difficulties for us. They only caused economic difficulties for their own race. We can predict the future consequences for Jewry. We have not done anything to encourage them, they are simply the product of the times. Many clever Jews have already realized what they have done, above all to those remaining in Germany, who were the most directly affected. They shouted their warnings. But they could not overcome the radical wing, and in the end had to let things take their course for better or worse. This radical wing has delivered an extraordinarily hard blow to World Jewry and its allies. They put the Jewish Problem up for debate, and where it is debated the results can only be unpleasant. Jewry’s strength is in its anonymity; if it loses that, the results can only be harmful.

The recent Zionist Conference in Paris shows the hopeless situation World Jewry has been driven into by its radical wing. When one of the various Jewish groups is no longer united, when there are only fruitless debates, it is a sign that Jewish power is on shaky ground. That is already beginning to have consequences for Jewry.

These events reveal the racial problem in all its difficulty. It will not fade away until Europe’s peoples solve it. It will be solved when the people for their own good do what is necessary for their security.

Our country still faces a world boycott by International Jewry, even if it is not as open as it was earlier, and we are still threatened by a cleverly thought out and systematically executed world conspiracy. The fight against young Germany is a fight by the Second and Third Internationales against our authoritarian state. The countries that tolerate or promote it, sometimes in the mistaken belief that they are thus reducing troublesome German competition on the world market, are bringing upon themselves and their future a danger that we have overcome.

They can do what they want; Germany has overcome the danger. It has taken radical steps to drive out Bolshevism and its ideological content along with its racially-linked concepts.

If our battle against anarchy results in the racial problem becoming a world problem, that was not our intention, but it is fine with us. The conspiracy being forged against Germany will not lead to our destruction, but it will inevitably open the eyes of all the peoples of the world.

Let me in closing say a few words about the measures we are taking against the world propaganda directed against us. It is clear that such a major campaign against Germany’s peace and security cannot go unanswered. World propaganda against us will be answered with world propaganda for us.

We know what propaganda is, its power, and its ways and means. We did not learn it in school, but became its masters while doing practical work. Our untiring educational campaign succeeded in uniting Catholics and Protestants, farmers, the middle class and workers, Bavarians and Prussians, into a unified German people. We joined the power of persuasion with the power of the idea. We depended only on ourselves, conquering the state with the power of faith and the power of the word. Who cannot believe that we will succeed in persuading the world of the integrity of our actions? A calm presentation of our case may not win love, but it will at least win growing respect. The truth is always stronger than the lie.

The truth about Germany will get through to the other nations, also in respect to the racial question. We have done what is necessary, and therefore fulfilled our duty. We do not need to fear the world’s judgment.

The world is cordially invited to send its journalists and representatives to Germany so that they can see for themselves the courage and determination of the government and people to remove the last remnants of the war and the November revolt, and to introduce a balance of power that will guarantee Germany a secure existence, honor, and its daily bread. No one who sees this nation at work can have doubts about its future. The more foreigners visit us, the more friends young Germany will win.

Our foreign situation today is identical to our domestic situation when we began. Those who attended our meetings then were struck by the crass contrast between what the enemy newspapers wrote about us and what we actually are. Visitors to Germany today have the same experience. Their experiences will be the beginning of respect. Any fair, thinking and objective person, wherever he may come from, will find a people and a government trying to overcome the difficulties of the postwar period by its own strength, and who are attacking the problems they face with hard, manly pride. We need to show the world what we once showed the other parties: We never lose our nerve.

Modesty, clarity, firmness, and decency are the virtues that our kind of German thinking wants to see in the world. There is nothing that is impossible. That which seems impossible can be made possible by the power of the spirit.

Germany will not founder on the racial question; to the contrary, the future of our people depends on solving it. As in so many other areas, here we also shall be pathfinders for the world. Our revolution is of enormous significance. We want it to find the key to world history in the solution of the racial question.


30 Aug 1939, Venice, Italy - Goebbels at the Venice Film Festival

Joseph and Magda Goebbels in Greece

Magda was ex-wife of Industrialist Gunther Quandt, had a son with him, Harald Quandt. They divorced amicably after a few years. Magda and Joseph Goebbels were married on Gunther Quandt's estate with Adolf Hitler as best man following behind and young Harald alongside Joseph, as shown in this famous photo:

Harald was the only one of Magda's children to survive the war.

Harald Quandt in Luftwaffe uniform with his mother and the rest of the Goebbels family

Harald Quandt, Gunther Quandt, Herbert Quandt

Herbert Quandt, Harald's half-brother, is the man mainly responsible for the resurgence of BMW from near-bankruptcy in the early 1960s.

Herbert Werner Quandt (22 June 1910 – 2 June 1982), was a German industrialist who is regarded as having saved BMW when it was at the point of bankruptcy and made a huge profit in doing so.

BMW Isetta

In 1959, BMW was about to be liquidated. It was then an unprofitable small maker of a very expensive large V8 sedan (502) and sports car (507), a tiny bubble-car (Isetta), and motorcycles. BMW was the very model of branding muddle, and it was crashing fast. Herbert Quandt’s family owned a 30% stake in BMW, and he was ready to throw in the towel too.

But something got him to change his mind at the last minute. It may have been the pleading objections of the workforce. More likely, it was seeing the early drawings for this very car; well, strictly speaking, the smaller engined but otherwise identical 1500 model. So against the recommendation of his bankers and advisers, he increased his stake to 50%, thus financing the new mid-sized sedan to production. That bold gamble made his family one of the richest in the world. And this car created the whole modern BMW legacy, the proto-Bimmer.


BMW 1500, 1964

2011 BMW M3 - 4.0-litre V8 - 414 hp - 0 to 60 mph in 4.5 seconds.

BMW headquarters in Munich

Last edited by synergetic67; 14-12-2012 at 03:15 PM.
synergetic67 is offline   Reply With Quote
Old 03-01-2013, 01:06 AM   #251
Senior Member
Join Date: Apr 2008
Location: Inactive
Posts: 36,483
Likes: 237 (190 Posts)
Arrow The Pro Pagan Waffle Da 1919

S is the nineteenth (19th) letter in the ISO basic Latin alphabet..How to Hi Jack A Thread...
Originally Posted by synergetic67 View Post
The SS grew from a small paramilitary unit to a powerful force that served as the Führer's body guard, the Nazi Party's "Protection Squadron" and a force that, fielding almost a million men (both on the front lines and as political police), managed to exert as much political influence in the Third Reich as the Wehrmacht (Germany's regular armed forces)...The Waffen-SS [ Armed SS) was created as the armed wing of the Nazi Party's Schutzstaffel ("Protective Squadron"), and gradually developed into a multi-ethnic and multi-national military force of Nazi Germany..

lightgiver is offline   Reply With Quote
Old 03-01-2013, 01:27 AM   #252
Senior Member
Join Date: Apr 2008
Location: Inactive
Posts: 36,483
Likes: 237 (190 Posts)
Arrow Tar Mac

Originally Posted by synergetic67 View Post

BMW headquarters in Munich
Ghastly Building..Good name though ...

and Vehicles Pollute and stink up the planet and people with their Smell Fumes and Noise and the only good one is a crushed one...


Last edited by lightgiver; 03-01-2013 at 01:37 AM.
lightgiver is offline   Reply With Quote
Old 10-01-2013, 04:28 PM   #253
Senior Member
Join Date: Sep 2010
Posts: 2,118
Likes: 345 (266 Posts)

Mein Kampf - Adolf Hitler - Translated by James Murphy


Chapter XV: The Right of Emergency Defense:


Demystification of the Birth and Funding of the NSDAP - Veronica Kuzniar Clark


Chiang Wei-kuo (left), the adopted son of Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek, served as a commander of a panzer division during the 1938 Anschluss



Japanese welcoming the Hitlerjugend to Japan



The Jews are Guilty!

by Joseph Goebbels


The historic responsibility of world Jewry for the outbreak and widening of this war has been proven so clearly that it does not need to be talked about any further. The Jews wanted war, and now they have it. But the Führer’s prophecy of 30 January 1939 to the German Reichstag is also being fulfilled: If international finance Jewry should succeed in plunging the world into war once again, the result will be not the Bolshevization of the world and thereby the victory of the Jews, but rather the destruction of the Jewish race in Europe.

We are seeing the fulfillment of the prophecy. The Jews are receiving a penalty that is certainly hard, but more than deserved. World Jewry erred in adding up the forces available to it for this war, and now is gradually experiencing the destruction that it planned for us, and would have carried out without a second thought if it had possessed the ability. It is perishing according its own law: “An eye for an eye, a tooth for a tooth.”

Every Jew is our enemy in this historic struggle, regardless of whether he vegetates in a Polish ghetto or carries on his parasitic existence in Berlin or Hamburg or blows the trumpets of war in New York or Washington. All Jews by virtue of their birth and their race are part of an international conspiracy against National Socialist Germany. They want its defeat and annihilation, and do all in their power to bring it about. That they can do nothing inside the Reich is hardly a sign of their loyalty, but rather of the appropriate measures we took against them.

One of these measures is the institution of the yellow star that each Jew must wear. We wanted to make them visible as Jews, particularly if they made even the least attempt to harm the German community. It is a remarkably humane measure on our part, a hygienic and prophylactic measure to be sure that the Jew cannot infiltrate our ranks unseen to sow discord.

As the Jews first appeared several weeks ago on the streets of Berlin graced with their Jewish star, the initial reaction of the citizens of the Reich capital was surprise. Only a few knew that there were still so many Jews in Berlin. Everyone suddenly found someone in the neighborhood who seemed like a harmless fellow citizen, who perhaps complained or criticized a bit more than normal, and whom no one had thought to be a Jew. He had concealed himself, mimicked his surroundings, adopting the color of the background, adjusted to the environment, in order to wait for the proper moment. Who among us had any idea that the enemy was beside him, that a silent or clever auditor was attending to conversations on the street, in the subway, or in the lines outside cigarette shops? There are Jews one cannot recognize by external signs. These are the most dangerous. It always happens that when we take some measure against the Jews, English or American newspapers report it the next day. Even today the Jews still have secret connections to our enemies abroad and use these not only in their own cause, but in all military matters of the Reich as well. The enemy is in our midst. What makes more sense than to at least make this plainly visible to our citizens?

In the first days after the introduction of the Jewish star, newspaper sales in Berlin went through the roof. Each Jew on the street bought a newspaper to conceal his mark of Cain. As this was banned, one began to see Jews on the streets of the west side of Berlin in the company of non-Jewish foreigners. These Jewish lackeys actually should wear the Jewish star themselves. The excuse they give for their provocative conduct is always the same: the Jews are after all human beings too. We never denied that, just as we never denied the humanity of murders, child rapists, thieves and pimps, though we never felt the need to parade down the Kurfürstendamm with them! Every Jew is a decent Jew who has found a dumb and ignorant goy who thinks him decent! As if that were a reason to give Jews a kind of honorable escort. What nonsense.

The Jews gradually are having to depend more and more on themselves, and have recently found a new trick. They knew the good-natured German Michael in us, always ready to shed sentimental tears for the injustice done to them. One suddenly has the impression that the Berlin Jewish population consists only of little babies whose childish helplessness might move us, or else fragile old ladies. The Jews send out the pitiable. They may confuse some harmless souls for a while, but not us. We know exactly what the situation is.

For their sake alone we must win the war. If we lose it, these harmless-looking Jewish chaps would suddenly become raging wolves. They would attack our women and children to carry out revenge. There are enough examples in history. That is what they did in Bessarabia and the Baltic states when Bolshevism marched in, even though neither the people nor their governments had done anything to them. There is no turning back in our battle against the Jews — even if we wanted to, which we do not. The Jews must be removed from the German community, for they endanger our national unity.

That is an elementary principle of racial, national, and social hygiene. They will never give us rest. If they could, they would drive one nation after another into war against us. Who cares about their difficulties, they who only want to force the world to accept their bloody financial domination? The Jews are a parasitic race that feeds like a foul fungus on the cultures of healthy but ignorant peoples. There is only one effective measure: cut them out.

How stupid and thoughtless are the arguments of the backward friends of the Jews in the face of a problem that has occupied mankind for millennia! How they would gape if they could ever see their dear Jews in power! But that would be too late. That is why it is the duty of a national leadership to take all necessary measures to keep such a thing from happening. There are differences between people just as there are differences between animals. Some people are good, others bad. The same is true of animals. The fact that the Jew still lives among us is no proof that he belongs among us, just as a flea is not a household pet simply because it lives in a house. When Mr. Bramsig or Mrs. Knöterich feel pity for an old woman wearing the Jewish star, they should also remember that a distant nephew of this old woman by the name of Nathan Kaufmann sits in New York and has prepared a plan by which all Germans under the age of 60 will be sterilized. They should recall that a son of her distant uncle is a warmonger named Baruch or Morgenthau or Untermayer who stands behind Mr. Roosevelt, driving him to war, and that if they succeed, a fine but ignorant U.S. soldier may one day shoot dead the only son of Mr. Bramsig or Mrs. Knöterich. It will all be for the benefit of Jewry, to which this old woman also belongs, no matter how fragile and pitiable she may seem.

If we Germans have a fateful flaw in our national character, it is forgetfulness. This failing speaks well of our human decency and generosity, but not always for our political wisdom or intelligence. We think everyone else as is good natured as we are. The French threatened to dismember the Reich during the winter of 1939/40, saying that we and our families would have to stand in lines before their field kitchens to get something warm to eat. Our army defeated France in six weeks, after which we saw German soldiers giving bread and sausages to hungry French women and children, and gasoline to refugees from Paris to enable them to return home as soon as possible, there to spread at least some of their hatred against the Reich.

That’s how we Germans are. Our national virtue is our national weakness. We do not want to change all that much, and as long as our world-famed good nature does no great harm, why should we? Klopstock gave us some good advice, however: don’t be too good natured, since our enemies are not noble enough to overlook our mistakes.

If this advice applies anywhere, it apples to our relations with the Jews. Carelessness here is not only a weakness, it is disregard of duty and a crime against the security of the state. The Jews long for one thing: to reward our foolishness with bloodshed and terror. It must never come to that. One of the most effective defenses is an unforgiving, cold hardness against the destroyers of our people, against the instigators of the war, against those who would benefit if we lose, and therefore also against the victims, if we win.

Therefore, we must say again and yet again:

1. The Jews are our destruction. They started this war and direct it. They want to destroy the German Reich and our people. This plan must be blocked.

2. There are no distinctions between Jews. Each Jew is a sworn enemy of the German people. If he does not make his hostility plain, it is only from cowardice and slyness, not because he loves us.

3. The Jews are to blame for each German soldier who falls in this war. They have him on their conscience, and must also pay for it.

4. If someone wears the Jewish star, he is an enemy of the people. Anyone who deals with him is the same as a Jew and must be treated accordingly. He earns the contempt of the entire people, for he is a craven coward who leaves them in the lurch to stand by the enemy.

5. The Jews enjoy the protection of our enemies. That is all the proof we need to show how harmful they are for our people.

6. The Jews are the enemy’s agents among us. He who stands by them aids the enemy.

7. The Jews have no right to claim equality with us. If they wish to speak on the streets, in lines outside shops or in public transportation, they should be ignored, not only because their are simply wrong, but because they are Jews who have no right to a voice in the community.

8. If the Jews appeal to your sentimentality, realize that they are hoping for your forgetfulness, and let them know that you see through them and hold them in contempt.

9. A decent enemy will deserve our generosity after we have won. The Jew however is not a decent enemy, though he tries to seem so.

10. The Jews are responsible for the war. The treatment they receive from us is hardly unjust. They have deserved it all.

It is the job of the government to deal with them. No one has the right to act on his own, but each has the duty to support the state’s measures against the Jews, to defend them with others, and to avoid being misled by any Jewish tricks.

The security of the state requires that of us all.

Joseph and Magda Goebbels (back to camera) speaking to Douglas Fairbanks at the Venice Film Festival August 30 1939, Venice Film Festival, Italy — German Propaganda Minister Joseph Goebbels (seated left) and Douglas Fairbanks Sr. (right, with hand in pocket), shown in the same party during informal conversation on the beach at Venice, Italy. Mrs. Goebbels is shown seated with back to camera.

“Germany’s unforgivable crime before the second world war was her attempt to extricate her economic power from the world’s trading system and to create her own exchange mechanism which would deny world finance its opportunity to profit.” ~ Winston Churchill to Lord Robert Boothby, as quoted in: Sidney Rogerson, Propaganda in the Next War (Foreword to the second edition 2001), originally published in 1938.

"The population of Germany, excluding conquered and annexed territories, is about 70,000,000, almost equally divided between male and female. To achieve the purpose of German extinction it would be necessary to only sterilize some 48,000,000 -- a figure which excludes, because of their limited power to procreate, males over 60 years of age, and females over 45.

Concerning the males subject to sterilization the army groups, as organized units, would be the easiest and quickest to deal with. Taking 20,000 surgeons as an arbitrary number and on the assumption that each will perform a minimum of 25 operations daily, it would take no more than one month, at the maximum, to complete their sterilization. Naturally the more doctors available, and many more than the 20,000 we mention would be available considering all the nations to be drawn upon, the less time would be required. The balance of the male civilian population of Germany could be treated within three months. Inasmuch as sterilization of women needs somewhat more time, it may be computed that the entire female population of Germany could be sterilized within a period of three years or less. Complete sterilization of both sexes, and not only one, is to be considered necessary in view of the present German doctrine that so much as one drop of true German blood constitutes a German.

Of course, after complete sterilization, there will cease to be a birth rate in Germany. At the normal death rate of 2 per cent per annum, German life will diminish at the rate of 1,500,000 yearly. Accordingly in the span of two generations that which cost millions of lives and centuries of useless effort, namely, the elimination of Germanism and its carriers, will have been an accomplished fact. By virtue of its loss of self-perpetuation German Will will have atrophied and German power reduced to negligible importance."

--Theodore Kaufman from "Germany Must Perish"


"Posted right on wackopedia as some sort of defense of Theodore Kaufman's despicable 1941 book 'Germany Must Perish' is this quote from Ernest Hemingway:

Ernest Hemingway would adopt the same ideas (as Kaufman) in his introduction to his anthology "Men at War." [13] Writing:

"When this war is won, though, Germany should be so effectively destroyed that we should not have to fight her again for a hundred years, or, if it is done well enough, forever. This can probably only be done by sterilization. This act can be accomplished by an operation little more painful than vaccination and as easily made compulsory. All members of Nazi party organizations should be submitted to it if we are ever to have a peace that is to be anything more than a breathing space between wars. . . . It is not wise to advocate sterilization now as a government or allied policy since it can only cause increased resistance. So I do not advocate it. I oppose it. But it is the only ultimate settlement."[22]

""Castro's revolution is very pure and beautiful.... I'm encouraged by it." gushed Ernest Hemingway in 1960--shortly before he hightailed it out of Cuba and Castro stole his every belonging.


Germany was National Socialist, but free enterprise flourished during the entire Hitler years. No company was nationalized. No small businessman was stopped from opening up his own store. I myself worked during the war for a company that can only be called part of international capitalism. If you owned shares, nobody confiscated them, like the allies did in 1945.

The accomplishments of the ‘Nazis’ were incredible. Starting without money and with six million unemployed (a third of the workforce), they constructed the entire German Autobahn road network in a short span of 6 years – almost without corruption – while seeing to it that the new road system did not unnecessarily destroy either the German landscape, or wildlife habitats and forests. Two years after the NS [National Socialists] were elected to power, conditions were so improved that workers had to be hired in nearby friendly countries to help alleviate the worker’s shortage in Germany. Germany was booming while Britain, France and the US were in the depths of depression.

To help the workers get cheap transportation, the VW was designed and a factory was being built for their manufacture when the war started. Also, for the common people, villages of small single-family homes were erected. The monthly payments were set so low that almost anyone could afford his own house. In Hitler’s Germany there were no homeless; no beggars. Crime was almost nonexistent because habitual criminals were in concentration camps. All this was reported in the newspapers and was known by everybody.

The German press during the Third Reich had fewer taboos than the American press today. The only taboo I can think of evolved around Hitler, and, during the war, there was a law that prohibited “defeatism”. This was because of the negative role the German press played in the German defeat of 1918."

from "Living in Hitler’s German by Hans Schmidt"


Sommersonntag in Berlin 1942 - Summer Sunday in Berlin 1942

DER EWIGE JUDE [1940] The Eternal Jew (in Geman with English Subtitles.)

DER EWIGE JUDE [1940] The Eternal Jew (Dubbed in English)

Jew Süss (1940) directed by Veit Harlan
Jud Süß (Jew Süss)

This movie was directed by Veit Harlan, who wrote the screenplay with Eberhard Wolfgang Möller and Ludwig Metzger, and starred Ferdinand Marian and Harlan's wife Kristina Söderbaum. It is partially based on the 1925 historical novel Jud Süß by Lion Feuchtwanger as well as the 1827 novella by Wilhelm Hauff. The film, the novel, and the novella do not correspond to the historic sources regarding Joseph Süß Oppenheimer as still accessible at the Landesarchiv Baden-Württemberg.

Propaganda minister Joseph Goebbels, who had commissioned the film, was very pleased with it, and appeared sitting next to the director Harlan at the premiere in the UFA Palast in Berlin. Heinrich Himmler ordered the members of the SS and police to watch the movie. It became a great success in Germany, with some 20 million viewers.

Last edited by synergetic67; 11-01-2013 at 03:53 AM.
synergetic67 is offline   Reply With Quote
Old 10-01-2013, 05:37 PM   #254
Senior Member
Join Date: Sep 2010
Posts: 2,118
Likes: 345 (266 Posts)

"There were two types of strong men in primitive society. One was the chief who was physically powerful, stronger than all his competitors, and another was the medicine man who was not strong in himself but was strong by reason of the power which the people projected into him. Thus we had the Emperor and the Pope. Hitler belongs in the category of the truly mystic medicine man. His body does not suggest strength. The outstanding characteristic of his physiognomy is its dreamy look. I was especially struck by that when I saw pictures taken of him in the Czechoslovakian crisis; there was in his eyes the look of a seer."

Few foreigners respond (to Hitler) at all, yet apparently every German in Germany does. It is because Hitler is the mirror of every German's unconscious but of course he mirrors nothing from a non-German.

"He is the loud-speaker which magnifies the inaudible whispers of the German soul until they can be heard by the German's conscious ear. He is the first man to tell every German what he has been thinking and feeling all along in his unconscious about German fate, especially since the defeat in the World War, and the one characteristic which colors every German soul is the typically German inferiority complex, the complex of the younger brother, of the one who is always a bit late to the feast. Hitler's power is not political; it is magic."

"To understand magic you must understand what the unconscious is. It is that part of our mental constitution over which we have little control and which is stored with all sorts of impressions and sensations; which contains thoughts and even conclusions of which we are not aware. Besides teh conscious impressions which we receive, there are all sorts of impressions constantly impinging upon our sense organs of which we do not become aware because they are too slight to attract our conscious attention. They lie beneath the threshold of consciousness. But all these subliminal impressions are recorded; nothing is lost. Someone may be speaking in a faintly audible voice in the next room while we are talking here. You pay no attention to it, but the conversation next door is being recorded in your unconscious as surely as though the latter were a dictaphone record.

Now the secret of Hitler's power is not that Hitler has an unconscious more plentifully stored than yours or mine. Hitler's secret is twofold; first, that his unconscious has exceptional access to his consciousness, and second, that he allows himself to be moved by it. He is like a man who listens intently to a stream of suggestions in a whispered voice from a mysterious source, and then acts upon them..

In our case, even if occasionally our unconscious does reach us through dreams, we have too much rationality, too much cerebrum to obey it--but Hitler listens and obeys. The true leader is always led.

We can see it work in him. He himself has referred to his Voice. His Voice is nothing other than his own unconscious, into which the German people have projected their own selves; that is, the unconscious of seventy-eight million Germans. That is what makes him powerful. Without the German people he would be nothing. It is literally true when he says that whatever he is able to do is only because he has the German people behind him, or, as he sometimes says, because he is Germany. So with his unconscious being the receptacle of the souls of seventy-eight million Germans, he is powerful, and with his unconscious perception of the true balance of political forces at home and in the world, he has so far been infallible.

That is why he makes political judgments which turn out to be right against the opinions of his advisors and against the opinions of all foreign observers. When this happens it means only that the information gathered by his unconscious, and reaching his consciousness by means of his exceptional talent, has been more nearly correct than that of all others, German or foreign, who attempted to judge the situation and who reached consclusions different from his." ~ Carl Jung - interviewed in Omnibook Magazine, February, 1942, page 134 - 'Is Tomorrow Hitler's?'


"Freud did not understand the Germanic psyche any more than did his Germanic followers. Has the formidable phenomenon of National Socialism, on which the whole world gazes with astonishment, taught them better? Where was that unparalleled tension and energy while as yet no National Socialism existed? Deep in the Germanic psyche, in a pit that is anything but a garbage-bin of unrealizable infantile wishes and unresolved family resentments." ~ Carl Jung - The State of Psychotherapy Today ( 1934)

Approximately 20,000 blacks lived in Hitler's Germany, including many mixed half-German / half-Black children like Hans Massaquoi, the writer of the memoir "Destined to Witness, Growing Up Black in Not-See Germany." Although the blacks and non-Aryans were not accepted into the higher professions even if their grades qualified them, or the Hitler Youth, the Wehrmacht and the Waffen SS elite ranks (this changed during wartime when they needed all the volunteer man-power they could get), they were not segregated from the whites as they were in most areas of the USA. In Hitler's Germany, they went to the same schools, ate at the same restaurants, drank in the same pubs, and worked at whatever skilled trades they qualified for on their own merit, after a 3 year apprenticeship period. Non-Aryans were all welcome as guests but not as privileged occupants.

At the very beginning of his book (page 2) Massaquoi makes this absurdly hilarious black propaganda statement:

"Like everyone around me, I cheered the man whose every waking hour was dedicated to the destruction of 'inferior non-Aryan people' like myself, the same man who only a few years later would lead his own nation to the greatest catastrophe in its long history and bring the world to the brink of destruction."

Apparently the man 'whose every waking hour was dedicated to the destruction of inferior non-Aryan people' did not even bother to have segregation in his country the way they had in the good old USA.

Non-Aryans, by the way, did not even represent 2% of the German population, so according to this clown Massaquoi, Hitler's every waking hour was dedicated to figuring out ways to destroy only 2% of the German population while leaving no waking hours for the other 98% of white Germans.

In fact, Massaquoi's ridiculous statement is given the lie just by the photographs in his own book alone. Here are three:

caption for this photo in the book reads: Helping my school chum Karl Morell launch his sailboat in City Park. Hamburg, ca. 1935

Later on page 103 he recalls that :

"The fact that all of my classmates had become card-carrying members of the Hitlerjugend had in no way affected our relationship. Those who were close to me before they joined the Jungvolk remained so afterward. We continued to play and have fun together and visit each other's homes as if nothing had changed."

hmm, so the dedicated followers of the man 'whose every waking hour was dedicated to the destruction of non-Aryans' and their families did not even bother in any way to change their relationship to him, a mixed-race black-white boy who had not been accepted into the Hitler youth like them, and remained as friendly to him as before ?

Isn't that odd ? Apparently none of Hitler's 100% dedication of his every waking hour had paid off in any way !


""I suspect that the vast majority of men in my neighborhood became involved with the Not-Sees for reasons that had little to do with ideology. Like most German men, they were better craftsmen, mechanics, tailors and butchers than students of politics. The German school system, which had reserved secondary and higher education for an intellectual elite, simply didn't prepare them for political and philosophical thinking. Under Hitler, most of them had prospered beyond their wildest dreams; they had steady employment, tax deductions for multiple children, free health care, and many other formerly unheard-of benefits. They were convinced that a political party that had made good on its promise to wipe out unemployment, the scourge of the working class, deserved their support. " - ~ excerpt from "Destined to Witness, Growing Up Black in Not-See Germany" (page 105) by Hans Massaquoi~

"The fact that all of my classmates had become card-carrying members of the Hitlerjugend had in no way affected our relationship. Those who were close to me before they joined the Jungvolk remained so afterward. We continued to play and have fun together and visit each other's homes as if nothing had changed."

"He (Morell) also went from door to door passing out copies of virulently anti-Semitic Not-See literature. Parteigenosse (party comrade) Morell accepted unquestioningly his party's doctrine that Jews are the root of all evil, although I doubt seriously that in our blue-collar environment he ever knowingly met a Jew face-to-face, let alone was harmed by one. At the same time, he was totally color blind and exhibited a curious case of schizophrenia where I was concerned. For some inexplicable reason, his bigoted thinking did not extend to me. On the contrary, as the closest buddy of Karl, I was included in most of the Morells' activities and treated almost like a member of the family. To the dismay of my mother, who had come by her loathing of Not-Sees honestly, I had become a virtual fixture in the home of the biggest Not-See on the block."

"A few days before the opening of the games, Karl Morell startled me with sensational news. His father was taking him, his older brother, Hans, and several neighborhood boys on a one-week trip to Berlin, and if my mother would give her permission--and come up with the train fare and a few extra marks spending money--I was welcome to come along. At first, my mother was dead set against letting me go. But when I convinced her by way of a two-hour hunger strike that my life might as well be over if I couldn't go to Berlin, she agreed to have a chat with Herr and Frau Morell to learn more about the trip. After a lengthy discussion with the Morells, during which they assured her that I would be in good hands and that there was no better way for a boy to spend part of the school summer holidays than to see the nation's capital and the Olympic Games, my mother relented.

On the morning of our departure, our group of about ten boys from the neighborhood, some in Hitler Youth uniforms, each loaded down with heavy backpacks and canteens, journeyed by Hochbahn to Hamburg's Central Station. Before boarding a D-Zug (express train) for Berlin, Herr Morell had us fall in and stand at attention like an SS honor guard for a snappy military briefing on what to do and what no to do on the trip. For the occasion, he, too, carried a backpack, but although he did not wear his Amtswalter uniform, his polished brown riding boots and britches left no doubt about his Not-See Party membership.

The train was packed, mostly with schoolchildren who, like us, were venting their excitement by filling the air with deafening chatter and the occasional strains of a marching song. Listening to the cacophony and watching the landscape go by, I still found it difficult to believe that in a few hours I would be walking around our Reichshaupstadt (capital) Berlin, the city we kids had been taught to regard as the center of the universe.

When we arrived late at night at Berlin's famous Anhalter Bahnhof, we were hoarse from singing and dead tired. By the time we reached our youth hostel on the outskirts of the city, after a brief bus ride through Berlin's bustling night traffic and a quick look at the famous Brandenburg Gate and the Funkturm, Berlin's answer to Paris's Eiffel Tower, we were ready to hit the sack. But before we were allowed to go to sleep on the inviting mattresses that lined the walls of an attic dormitory, Herr Morell reminded us that we were breathing the same Berlin air as our beloved Fuhrer, and made us render the Not-See salute. The very idea of the Fuhrer's proximity gave me goose pimples that didn't go away until I was soundly asleep."

~ excerpts from "Destined to Witness, Growing Up Black in Not-See Germany" by Hans Massaquoi

Bus station in Durham, North Carolina 1940

Proof of Black Notsees - How Many Other Lies Are Told About Germany & WW2 ?

League of German Maidens 1940

Last edited by synergetic67; 10-01-2013 at 06:21 PM.
synergetic67 is offline   Reply With Quote
Old 10-01-2013, 06:02 PM   #255
Join Date: Nov 2009
Location: Meerkat Manor
Posts: 20,776
Likes: 9 (8 Posts)

19. We demand that Roman Law, which serves a materialistic world order, be replaced by a German common law.
One key reason why our world is in such a miserable state.
Very important point they made there, it still has not lost actuality.

Anglo-saxon law = trade law

The partitioned Germany tells also a story of being bombed back into the crime empire and drastically shows the legal trickery and fraud the occupiers have enforced.

Last edited by tinyint; 10-01-2013 at 06:05 PM.
tinyint is offline   Reply With Quote
Old 10-01-2013, 09:39 PM   #256
Senior Member
Join Date: Apr 2008
Location: Inactive
Posts: 36,483
Likes: 237 (190 Posts)
Arrow 1967


S (named ess ) is the nineteenth (19th) letter in the ISO basic Latin alphabet..Not to be confused with Rudolf Höss, commandant of Auschwitz concentration camp...
Residents of Candido Godoi now claim that Mengele made repeated visits there in the early 1960s, posing at first as a vet but then offering medical treatment to the women of the town...
lightgiver is offline   Reply With Quote
Old 11-01-2013, 02:34 AM   #257
Senior Member
Join Date: Sep 2010
Posts: 2,118
Likes: 345 (266 Posts)

Bus station in Durham, North Carolina 1940 -


From the 1880s into the 1960s, a majority of American states enforced segregation through “Jim Crow” laws (so called after a black character in minstrel shows). From Delaware to California, and from North Dakota to Texas, many states (and cities, too) could impose legal punishments on people for consorting with members of another race. The most common types of laws forbade intermarriage and ordered business owners and public institutions to keep their black and white clientele separated. Here is a sampling of laws from various states.

A sign on a door reads “White Ladies Only.” Durham, 1940. About the photograph

Amateur Baseball

It shall be unlawful for any amateur white baseball team to play baseball on any vacant lot or baseball diamond within two blocks of a playground devoted to the Negro race, and it shall be unlawful for any amateur colored baseball team to play baseball in any vacant lot or baseball diamond within two blocks of any playground devoted to the white race. (Georgia)


No colored barber shall serve as a barber [to] white women or girls. (Georgia)

Blind persons

The board of trustees shall…maintain a separate building…on separate ground for the admission, care, instruction, and support of all blind persons of the colored or black race. (Louisiana)


The officer in charge shall not bury, or allow to be buried, any colored persons upon ground set apart or used for the burial of white persons. (Georgia)

Child Custody

It shall be unlawful for any parent, relative, or other white person in this State, having the control or custody of any white child, by right of guardianship, natural or acquired, or otherwise, to dispose of, give or surrender such white child permanently into the custody, control, maintenance, or support, of a negro. (South Carolina)

Circus Tickets

All circuses, shows, and tent exhibitions, to which the attendance of…more than one race is invited or expected to attend shall provide for the convenience of its patrons not less than two ticket offices with individual ticket sellers, and not less than two entrances to the said performance, with individual ticket takers and receivers, and in the case of outside or tent performances, the said ticket offices shall not be less than twenty-five (25) feet apart. (Louisiana)


Any negro man and white woman, or any white man and negro woman, who are not married to each other, who shall habitually live in and occupy in the nighttime the same room shall each be punished by imprisonment not exceeding twelve (12) months, or by fine not exceeding five hundred ($500.00) dollars. (Florida)


The schools for white children and the schools for negro children shall be conducted separately. (Florida)

Separate schools shall be maintained for the children of the white and colored races. (Mississippi)

Separate free schools shall be established for the education of children of African descent; and it shall be unlawful for any colored child to attend any white school, or any white child to attend a colored school. (Missouri)

Separate rooms [shall] be provided for the teaching of pupils of African descent, and [when] said rooms are so provided, such pupils may not be admitted to the school rooms occupied and used by pupils of Caucasian or other descent. (New Mexico)

Any instructor who shall teach in any school, college or institution where members of the white and colored race are received and enrolled as pupils for instruction shall be deemed guilty of a misdemeanor, and upon conviction thereof, shall be fined in any sum not less than ten dollars ($10.00) nor more than fifty dollars ($50.00) for each offense. (Oklahoma)

[The County Board of Education] shall provide schools of two kinds; those for white children and those for colored children. (Texas)

Books shall not be interchangeable between the white and colored schools, but shall continue to be used by the race first using them. (North Carolina)

Fishing, Boating, and Bathing

The [Conservation] Commission shall have the right to make segregation of the white and colored races as to the exercise of rights of fishing, boating and bathing. (Oklahoma)

Hospital Entrances

There shall be maintained by the governing authorities of every hospital maintained by the state for treatment of white and colored patients separate entrances for white and colored patients and visitors, and such entrances shall be used by the race only for which they are prepared. (Mississippi)


Any person…who shall rent any part of any such building to a negro person or a negro family when such building is already in whole or in part in occupancy by a white person or white family, or vice versa when the building is in occupancy by a negro person or negro family, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor and on conviction thereof shall be punished by a fine of not less than twenty-five ($25.00) nor more than one hundred ($100.00) dollars or be imprisoned not less than 10, or more than 60 days, or both such fine and imprisonment in the discretion of the court. (Louisiana)


All marriages of white persons with Negroes, Mulattos, Mongolians, or Malaya hereafter contracted in the State of Wyoming are and shall be illegal and void. (Wyoming)

All marriages between a white person and a negro, or between a white person and a person of negro descent, to the third generation, inclusive, or between a white person and a member of the Malay race; or between the negro and a member of the Malay race; or between a person of Negro descent, to the third generation, inclusive, and a member of the Malay race, are forever prohibited, and shall be void. (Maryland)

The marriage of a person of Caucasian blood with a Negro, Mongolian, Malay, or Hindu shall be null and void. (Arizona)

All marriages between a white person and a negro, or between a white person and a person of negro descent to the fourth generation inclusive, are hereby forever prohibited. (Florida)

It shall be unlawful for a white person to marry anyone except a white person. Any marriage in violation of this section shall be void. (Georgia)

All marriages between…white persons and negroes or white persons and Mongolians…are prohibited and declared absolutely void…No person having one-eighth part or more of negro blood shall be permitted to marry any white person, nor shall any white person be permitted to marry any negro or person having one-eighth part or more of negro blood. (Missouri)

The marriage of a white person with a negro or mulatto or person who shall have one-eighth or more of negro blood, shall be unlawful and void. (Mississippi)

Juvenile Delinquents

There shall be separate buildings, not nearer than one fourth mile to each other, one for white boys and one for negro boys. White boys and negro boys shall not, in any manner, be associated together or worked together. (Florida)


The state librarian is directed to fit up and maintain a separate place for the use of the colored people who may come to the library for the purpose of reading books or periodicals. (North Carolina)

Any white person of such county may use the county free library under the rules and regulations prescribed by the commissioners court and may be entitled to all the privileges thereof. Said court shall make proper provision for the negroes of said county to be served through a separate branch or branches of the county free library, which shall be administered by [a] custodian of the negro race under the supervision of the county librarian. (Texas)

Mental Hospitals

The Board of Control shall see that proper and distinct apartments are arranged for said patients, so that in no case shall Negroes and white persons be together. (Georgia)


The white and colored militia shall be separately enrolled, and shall never be compelled to serve in the same organization. No organization of colored troops shall be permitted where white troops are available, and where permitted to be organized, colored troops shall be under the command of white officers. (North Carolina)


The baths and lockers for the negroes shall be separate from the white race, but may be in the same building. (Oklahoma)


No person or corporation shall require any white female nurse to nurse in wards or rooms in hospitals, either public or private, in which negro men are placed. (Alabama)

A boy drinks from a “Colored” fountain in Halifax, 1938. About the photograph


It shall be unlawful for colored people to frequent any park owned or maintained by the city for the benefit, use and enjoyment of white persons…and unlawful for any white person to frequent any park owned or maintained by the city for the use and benefit of colored persons. (Georgia)

Pool and Billiard Rooms

It shall be unlawful for a negro and white person to play together or in company with each other at any game of pool or billiards. (Alabama)


The warden shall see that the white convicts shall have separate apartments for both eating and sleeping from the negro convicts. (Mississippi)

Promotion of Equality

Any person…who shall be guilty of printing, publishing or circulating printed, typewritten or written matter urging or presenting for public acceptance or general information, arguments or suggestions in favor of social equality or of intermarriage between whites and negroes, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor and subject to fine or not exceeding five hundred (500.00) dollars or imprisonment not exceeding six (6) months or both. (Mississippi)


The conductor of each passenger train is authorized and required to assign each passenger to the car or the division of the car, when it is divided by a partition, designated for the race to which such passenger belongs. (Alabama)

All railroad companies and corporations, and all persons running or operating cars or coaches by steam on any railroad line or track in the State of Maryland, for the transportation of passengers, are hereby required to provide separate cars or coaches for the travel and transportation of the white and colored passengers. (Maryland)

The conductors or managers on all such railroads shall have power, and are hereby required, to assign to each white or colored passenger his or her respective car, coach or compartment. If the passenger fails to disclose his race, the conductor and managers, acting in good faith, shall be the sole judges of his race. (Virginia)

Reform Schools

The children of white and colored races committed to the houses of reform shall be kept entirely separate from each other. (Kentucky)

Separate entrances to the Farmers Café in Durham, 1940. About the photograph


It shall be unlawful to conduct a restaurant or other place for the serving of food in the city, at which white and colored people are served in the same room, unless such white and colored persons are effectually separated by a solid partition extending from the floor upward to a distance of seven feet or higher, and unless a separate entrance from the street is provided for each compartment. (Alabama)

All persons licensed to conduct a restaurant, shall serve either white people exclusively or colored people exclusively and shall not sell to the two races within the same room or serve the two races anywhere under the same license. (Georgia)

No persons, firms, or corporations, who or which furnish meals to passengers at station restaurants or station eating houses, in times limited by common carriers of said passengers, shall furnish said meals to white and colored passengers in the same room, or at the same table, or at the same counter. (South Carolina)

Telephone Booths

The Corporation Commission is hereby vested with power and authority to require telephone companies…to maintain separate booths for white and colored patrons when there is a demand for such separate booths. That the Corporation Commission shall determine the necessity for said separate booths only upon complaint of the people in the town and vicinity to be served after due hearing as now provided by law in other complaints filed with the Corporation Commission. (Oklahoma)


Every person…operating…any public hall, theatre, opera house, motion picture show or any place of public entertainment or public assemblage which is attended by both white and colored persons, shall separate the white race and the colored race and shall set apart and designate…certain seats therein to be occupied by white persons and a portion thereof , or certain seats therein, to be occupied by colored persons. (Virginia)

Toilet Facilities

Every employer of white or negro males shall provide for such white or negro males reasonably accessible and separate toilet facilities. (Alabama)


The…Utilities Commission…is empowered and directed to require the establishment of separate waiting rooms at all stations for the white and colored races. (North Carolina)

All passenger stations in this state operated by any motor transportation company shall have separate waiting rooms or space and separate ticket windows for the white and colored races. (Alabama)

Wine and Beer

All persons licensed to conduct the business of selling beer or wine…shall serve either white people exclusively or colored people exclusively and shall not sell to the two races within the same room at any time. (Georgia)

Last edited by synergetic67; 11-01-2013 at 04:00 AM.
synergetic67 is offline   Reply With Quote
Old 11-01-2013, 03:38 AM   #258
Senior Member
Join Date: Sep 2010
Posts: 2,118
Likes: 345 (266 Posts)

Background: This speech by Dr. Gerhard Wagner on National Socialist racial policy was delivered at the 1936 Nuremberg Rally. Wagner was the head of the NSDAP organization for physicians.

The source: Gerhard Wagner, “Rasse und Bevölkerungspolitik,” Der Parteitag der Ehre vom 8. bis 14. September 1936. Offizieller Bericht über den Verlauf des Reichsparteitages mit sämtlichen Kongreßreden (Munich: Zentralverlag der NSDAP., 1936), pp. 150-160.


Race and Population Policy

by Dr. Gerhard Wagner



The world has been most interested in the policies and actions of National Socialism that have to do with its new approach to the concepts of race and population.

From my experience, one can divide those who respond to the New Germany’s measures in these regards with a lack of understanding, uncertainty, opposition, or even hostility, into several groups.

One group consists of emigres and ignoramuses. I group them together because we are going to ignore them. Even the gods fight in vain against ignorance and stupidity, and emigre lies have become so outrageous and tasteless that they find ever fewer gullible listeners abroad.

Another group consists of scholars and scientists, a group steadily becoming smaller — even abroad — as is clear from the most varied decisions of foreign and international scientific societies that agree with our racial hygiene measures and our genetic policies. We can only say to these learned critics that our genetic and racial thinking stems in the end not from our scientific, but rather from our National Socialist convictions, and that it was not learned scientists, but rather our Führer Adolf Hitler, and he alone, who made genetic and racial thinking the center of our National Socialist worldview and the foundation of the rebuilding of our people’s state. The doctrines of blood and race are not first of all an important and interesting piece of biological science to us, but rather above all else a political-ideological attitude that fundamentally determines our attitudes to things and to the questions of life.

More important than these two groups, however, are those who reject or oppose us because they hold to another worldview.

Those who base their materialist image of the world on the doctrines of a liberal or Marxist era cannot understand how we can have dethroned their idols of “the economy and Mammon,” replacing them at the center of our National Socialist process of construction and renewal with the German man, with the German people.

The other groups with a worldview warn their sheep in Christian piety, and in the name of both confessions, of the errors of National Socialist genetic and racial doctrines, and of the errors of the measures taken by the Third Reich. I have this request to those who, in contrast to the communist and Marxist foreign apostles, overtly and covertly go about their business at home: When you don the worthy priestly robes of either confession and claim that “your kingdom is not of this world,” please concern yourselves with your kingdom and leave to us the responsibility for the kingdom of this world. Allow us to form our German state according to our laws and needs.

My fellow party members, you know the reasons for our National Socialist population and racial policies. We want to rescue a dying people from the edge of the abyss and lead it back to the paths that will lead, according to human reason, to a future in the coming millennium. We must oppose the three great dangers of racial and biological decline that have repeatedly destroyed states, peoples, and cultures in the past if they did not succeed in resisting them in good time. We must therefore contend with these three issues: the decline in the birth rate, the increase in sick and unfit genes in our people, and the mixing of the blood of our people with that of foreign and unrelated peoples, in particular with Jewish blood.

When I spoke here a year ago about the necessity of a law to protect German blood, none of us imagined that a few days later the Führer would present his people with the brilliant Nuremberg Laws, the “Reich Citizenship Law” and the “Law for the Protection of German Blood and German Honor.” The law to protect German blood created clarity in the Jewish Question, and the Reich citizenship law fulfilled points 4 and 5 of the National Socialist program.

Points 4 and 5 state:

“Only racial comrades may be citizens. A racial comrade can only be someone of German blood, without regard to religious confession. No Jew can therefore be a citizen.”

“He who is not a citizen may live in Germany only as a guest, and must abide by the laws for foreigners.”

The Nuremberg Laws replaced the concept of “citizen of the state” with “citizen of the Reich.” That by itself had only formal significance. It did not by itself realize the demands of the party program.

However, the Nuremberg Laws make further infiltration of Jewish blood into the German national body impossible. To National Socialists, whose racial standpoint is anchored in blood, the wide-ranging scope of this historic decision makes all the other political and economic aspects of laws regarding the Jews of secondary importance.

The Nuremberg Laws would have been incomplete and unfinished had they not dealt with the status of the so-called German-Jewish half breeds, that is, the half and quarter Jews. This bastardized mixed race is not wanted, and the goal of the legislation is to make it disappear — both biologically and politically — as soon as possible. The marriage regulations will lead to that. A quarter Jew may only marry someone of full German blood, and a half Jew, provided he has not chosen to belong to the Jewish religion, or as we prefer, married a Jewish partner and thereby joined the Jewish people, may marry a German only with the permission of the Ministry of the Interior and the Deputy Führer [Rudolf Hess’ office].

It came as no surprise to us, indeed it was what we expected, that the Nuremberg Laws were a welcome occasion for the Jews and their allies to scream about the “German barbarians.” It is not worth the time to look into all these varied complaints. Our handling of the Jewish question is a matter of domestic German policy, but we do hope that many of our foreign Olympic guests were able to see for themselves how badly things are going for the “Poor Jews” in terrible 'Nazi' Germany.

To those who think that our regulations on the marriage of half Jews in Germany are unreasonable — or depending on their attitudes, inhumane or unchristian — I can only say that if the church can demand celibacy of hundreds of thousands, we believe before God and our consciences that it is good for our German people for us to forbid 200,000 half Jews to marry Germans.

I can well understand those German racial comrades who want to refuse any mixture of foreign Jewish blood at all, and who cannot understand the marriage regulations of the Nuremberg Laws that permit marriage to quarter Jews. To them I say that we have confidence that our 67 million people will be able to absorb the 100,000 quarter Jews — there are no more than that — without significant damage.

But those who believe that the Jewish question has been fully resolved in Germany by the Nuremberg Laws must know that the battle goes on. World Jewry itself is seeing to that. We will be victorious only when each German racial comrade knows that it is a matter of our very existence. The party’s educational and training work seems to me more necessary than ever before, since even some party comrades see these matters as no longer relevant or important.

People are always saying that our National Socialist racial thinking is materialistic, unchristian, chauvinistic, imperialistic, and that it leads to the defamation of foreign races and peoples. The opposite is the case. We believe that our racial policy is the surest guarantee for mutual respect and for peaceful coexistence between the peoples of this world. Someone of another race is different from me both in body and soul, for both are important. This makes no value judgment about other races. We are too conscious of the relationship between our own blood and our own race to presume to make such a judgment, which could only come from a standpoint that thought itself above race and humanity.

Scientifically, the differences between races and peoples are incontrovertible. That is the foundation, the justification, and also the obligation of any racial policy, without which, according to our view, Europe and the whole world can never be at peace. National Socialism would never use military action to forcibly take over nations or populations that differ from us in blood and soul, since they would forever remain foreign elements within our state. We therefore reject chauvinism and imperialism, since we grant to other races on this earth the same right we claim for ourselves, namely the right to form our own life and environment according to the necessities and laws of our nature. Racial policy is thus to us a policy of peace.

Finally, a word to those who reject our racial policy as “unchristian.” God has chosen to create humanity in the form of various races, as he has done in all of the rest of nature. Those who ignore race and its laws are not acting in a Christian manner, but rather we claim to be following the will of God, who has created the various racial types of this world so that each may maintain the greatest possible racial purity that will enable to develop its particular strengths.

I turn next to the second process of biological decline that has long been evident in our people: an improper selection that has neglected the most valuable elements in an almost criminal manner while providing for and supporting the inferior with endless resources.

The millions and billions that we have spent and the past, and the about one billion marks that we sacrifice today for the care of the genetically ill, is a squandering of our national resources that we National Socialists cannot justify when we consider the needs of the healthy population. Healthy working class families with numerous children today earn only enough for the necessities of life, which means that it is irresponsible that the state must provide the money for some genetically ill families who may have several family members in institutions costing thousands of marks annually.

The National Socialist state cannot repair the failings of the past, but through the “Law for the Prevention of Genetically Ill Offspring,” it has seen to it that in the future the inferior will not be able to produce more inferior children, saving the German people from a steady stream of new moral and economic burdens resulting from genetic illnesses.

I discussed these matters in greater detail at the last two party rallies, so I will here respond only to several objections that have been made that might worry or concern harmless and gullible souls, though the objections are outbalanced by constantly growing praise from the whole world.

To those who claim that we act in an unchristian way, sinning against the will of God, we reply that we are convinced that we are acting consistent with the will of the creator when we prevent unhealthy life from being propagated, saving children and their children from new and enormous misery. The creator himself established the laws of life, which harshly and brutally let all that is unworthy of life perish to make room for the strong and healthy to whom the future belongs. This is necessary for the preservation and development of all that lives on this earth.

Even more absurd is the objection that our law on the sterilization of the genetically ill permits their sterilization without their explicit consent. We think it would be ridiculous to allow the genetically ill, who may lack intelligence — as with the feeble-minded — or free will — as in the case of the mentally ill — to make this decision, particularly since we already control their use of money and other dead things. It would be absurd to leave them with far more important decisions on procreation and children.

As for you critics from the communist-Marxist camp, we refuse your the right to judge whether we are acting correctly when we prevent inferior life as long as you promote the unlimited right to abortion when the growing life is valuable, whenever the mother, a doctor, or someone else wishes it.

I believe that we have a good conscience before the world when we eliminate life that is unworthy of life, particularly when we see everywhere that the poisonous seed of communism is senselessly slaughtering thousands of valuable people.

But the National Socialist state is interested in more than merely preventing the spread of unfit genes. Just as important, indeed even more important, are the measures that aim to care for and promote the nation’s valuable genes.

The most important measure since the last party rally is the “Law for the Protection of the Genetic Health of the German People” of 18 October 1935. As a “healthy marriage act,” it returns marriage to its real purpose — producing healthy children. It provides for careful marriage counseling to ensure that people will marry only if it can be expected that their children will be healthy — genetically healthy.

A large number of other measures promote health and physical ability, maintain the military and productive readiness of the German people, and advance these by all possible means.

The duty of the state is to protect the people’s health through legal measures, and to ensure that these policies are implemented. The task of the movement is to win the support of the people for these government policies, and to reestablish the sense of responsibility people have toward themselves, their families, and their people. The rights and necessities of the whole people supersede the right of the individual to his own body.

The state is responsible for ensuring health, the party is responsible for providing leadership in the area. The two reinforce and support the same goal: the maintenance and improvement of the strength of the German people.

Successful leadership in the area of health is primarily in the hands of the approximately 20,000 expert physicians with a reliable worldview who are organized in the Office for People’s Health. They are the foundation of the confidence which must exist between those who will lead and those who are to be led. We do not believe this confidence develops in the offices of state physicians, but rather only in personal contact between the individual citizen and a doctor whom he trusts. Our ideal, therefore, is not based on the laws, regulations, and rulings of experienced state doctors, but rather in the German people’s doctor, the old family doctor, who respects nature and knows how to use its healing powers — which have often been criminally ignored in the past. Of course, he also understands the methods of academic medicine. Since he understands racial hygiene, he will never forget the people as a whole when he treats the individual. Prevention is more important to the doctor than healing! He wants to be a faithful aide not only in time of sickness, but also a counselor and a friend when someone is healthy. He is happier with a child who runs toward him with joy than with the most interesting and perhaps the most lucrative sickness.

I know that confidence in the German doctor suffered in many places in the past. I know that a comprehensive restructuring of a profession does not happen overnight, but rather requires a reasonable time. But I also know that an ever growing number of our German doctors are conscious of the great responsibility they have in the front lines of the battle for the strength and preservation of our people’s blood, the most valuable treasure we possess, and the one thing that — once lost — can never be regained.

History teaches us in the long run peoples are not destroyed by economics or politics, by natural catastrophes, wars or inner struggles, but rather the last and ultimate cause behind every people’s decline throughout history has a biological foundation that broke its strength and health. Many peoples have suffered heavy blows, including huge costs in living racial comrades, yet recovered within a few generations because their fertility was unharmed and their will to life remained healthy and strong. How often have healthy children sprung from the wombs of a defeated people and grown to become avengers and liberators who led their people to new greatness and to new triumphs.

Strength and health are given but once to a people, and once lost, they can never be regained, unlike destroyed cities and ruined fields.

In this regard, it is valuable to look at conditions in the Russian Soviet Union.

Although for understandable reasons it is not reported in official statistics and reports, various announcements and newspaper articles make it clear that health conditions in Russia are becoming more and more catastrophic.

“Communist Pravda” writes on 24 February 1936: All the hospitals in Moscow were built over 20 or 30 years ago. No major repairs have been made for decades. The ceiling and walls of the department of infectious diseases were last painted in 1925. Hospitals are constantly short of needles, smocks, hand towels, as well as body and hand soap. In the leading Moscow model clinic, the bedding is tattered, and the mattresses, as in most hospitals, are entirely worn out.

“Pravda” of 7 July 1935 complains about criminal conduct against the health of workers and provides distressing numbers about illnesses resulting from unhealthy working conditions at the Moscow factory for measuring instruments during the first half of the year 1934.

It is also striking that, according to a report from Louis Fisher in the “Neuer Tagebuch” in 1936, the number of births in Moscow has steadily declined in recent years from 30.7 to 15.3, that is by more than half, and the number of abortions has increased by a factor of six. It is one and a half times as large as the number of births.

These reports make it clear that the Russian leaders have allowed unbelievable damage to be done to their people’s health that will have bitter consequences for this people and for its military strength. To these Russian communist leaders, their people are only puppets in the battle for power, be that a struggle between various Jewish cliques or the struggle to establish communist-Jewish world domination. The well-known Franciscan priest and sociologist Duffee, who is certainly not guilty of any great love for Germany, wrote in the “New York Times” of 14 July 1936 that he had come to the conclusion, after six years of research, that communism was only a facade for international capitalism. [Calvin's note: Duffee was a Catholic high school teacher, not a particularly well-known scholar, and the NYT article mentioned was actually dated 12 July 1936.] We can only hope, in the interests of humanity, that this knowledge spreads more and more throughout the world.

My party comrades, we must understand that all the measures of our population policy that I have already described to you only make sense when the corresponding population is at hand, and the birth rate is sufficient to keep the population at the necessary level.

The German people grew from 42 million to 67 million between 1870 and today, but not through an increase in the birth rate, but only because the death rate constantly fell, resulting in an increase in the average life span. Aside from the fact that this shift leads to an undesired increase in the average age of the population, the death rate cannot go on falling forever, since we cannot abolish death and illness.

If the birth rate of the last decade were to continue — between 1900 and 1933, the annual number of births fell from two million to one million, which means it has fallen by half — a substantial decline in Germany’s population would over time be inevitable. The German Office of Statistics estimates that the population of the German Reich would fall to about 47 million by the year 2000, and continue to fall thereafter, until another, stronger people would move into the empty space and our Germany would vanish from history like the old Greeks and other cultures of the past.

You know that since the takeover of power, there has been a happy improvement in the catastrophic population decline that had until then prevailed. The number of marriages, which had fallen to 517,000 in 1932, rose to 639,000 in 1933, 739,000 in 1934, and 651,000 in 1935.

The number of births per thousand reached its lowest point in 1933 at 14.7, or 971,000. In 1934 it rose for the first time in a long while to 1,197,000, or 18 per thousand, an increase of about a quarter. Despite a substantial decline in the number of marriages, the number of births rose again to 1,261,000, or 18.9 per thousand of the population. That is a very good situation that we can be more than proud of, since it shows unexpected and unrequested confidence in the government leadership and in the political and economic future.

Still, those voices both at home and abroad — I remember, for example, a recent article in Mussolini’s paper “Popolo d’Italia” — are premature in drawing the conclusion that the German people has already resolved its population crisis. Aside from the fact that a birth rate of 20 per thousand is necessary to maintain our population, a figure that we have not yet reached, we have to expect a significant reduction in the number of marriages in coming years, which is the result of a not insignificant decline in the war and postwar generations that are now reaching marrying age. Thirty years of a declining birth rate have cost Germany around 13 million unborn children. From the standpoint of racial hygiene, a particularly painful and serious loss is the 3 to 3.5 million unborn children who would have been born to the best of our people, those who remained on the field of honor. They now would have been married and had children, the mothers and fathers of a strong generation that is now missing.

The statistics of the first quarter of 1936 show that the declining marriage rate of 1935 is continuing. There were 10.4% fewer marriages than in the first quarter of 1935. At the same time, the statistics also prove the very happy fact that, just as last year, the decline of the birth rate has not been parallel to the decline in the marriage rate. It fell by only 1.4%, a bit less than last year.

All of our efforts and policies must aim at maintaining these favorable birth statistics, and strengthening them.

The critical question is whether we can succeed in reaching an average of three to four live births per marriage. Only that will guarantee the survival of our people. The duty of the state is to provide legal and especially economic measures to equalize the burdens that today fall particularly heavily on families with many children. The task of the movement will continue to teach the people through a powerful campaign of education and enlightenment that the path to the future leads through a generation of healthy children, a generation large enough to maintain — and if necessary — defend what their parents and ancestors have won and created. The deepest causes of the decline in the birth rate are not economic. They are spiritual, they are rooted in the hostile attitude of the past era to families and children. If we do not succeed in changing this internal attitude of the German people, all our population policy efforts — however generous they may be — will be useless and without hope.

Only when the German people join its powerful political will to self assertion to a determined affirmation of its will to life, to the maintenance of its population both in number and in kind, will it guarantee its military strength, its freedom, its honor, and its future for all time.


A Conversation about Race - Craig Bodeker

The Talk: The Liberal Version

Unsolicited Opinion with Maggie Roddin 10 / 19 / 2012 - Guest: Ramzpaul explains why he's a non-white-nationalist anti-multi-culturalist


Israelis in South Tel Aviv: Not Racist? May You Be Raped!

972 Magazine article about the events filmed in this video:


At a demonstration in south Tel Aviv demanding the immediate expulsion of all non-Jewish African asylum-seekers, a lone Israeli woman who does not agree with the rest of the crowd is shouted down with ferocity and told that she deserves to be raped

The same people who push for mass immigration in Europe and America and multi-culturalism:

won't even deal with a few Africans in their own 4 billion-dollars-a-year-U.S.-taxpayer-supported hovel of a refuge for criminals with no extradition laws

"The Life of an American Jew in Racist Marxist Israel" can be read here:

MONSANTO Family Were Jewish Slave Dealers And Owners


Jew-controlled Monsanto responsible for at least 200,000 suicides in India in the past 10 years


"Every suicide can be linked to Monsanto," says Ms Shiva, claiming that the biotech firm's modified Bt Cotton caused crop failure and poverty because it needed to be used with pesticide and fertilisers. The Prince of Wales has made the same accusation. Monsanto denies that its activities are to blame, saying that Indian rural poverty has many causes.

Last edited by synergetic67; 11-01-2013 at 04:06 AM.
synergetic67 is offline   Reply With Quote
Old 13-01-2013, 09:07 AM   #259
Senior Member
Join Date: Sep 2010
Posts: 2,118
Likes: 345 (266 Posts)

Original newsreels from National Socialist Germany:

Benito Mussolini, Adolf Hitler, and Hermann Göring 1941

Die Deutsche Wochenschau Nr. 547 Part 1

Die Deutsche Wochenschau Nr. 547 Part 2

SS-Untersturmführer Franz-Josef Kneipp playing guitar with fellow Hitlerjugend soldier. These color photos were originally produced by Wilfried Woscidlo, a Kriegsberichter attached to the "HJ" Division...
synergetic67 is offline   Reply With Quote
Old 19-01-2013, 01:07 PM   #260
Senior Member
Join Date: Sep 2010
Posts: 2,118
Likes: 345 (266 Posts)

Under Two Flags

by Heinz Weichardt


Heinz certainly has had an unusual perspective of the Twentieth Century. A supporter of Hitler who left Germany as an unwanted non-Aryan, he became an enemy alien in America. As the years passed, Heinz became successful in his field of physics (electron-optics), retiring from IBM as a manager in its research division. As his article reveals, he never wavered in his support for National Socialism, even if he had himself been rejected by it.

Under Two Flags

Dear Louis,

I felt that I should give you a somewhat more extended background to the political situation which led to the events of January 1933 in Germany, since most of the pertinent facts are only rarely realized by or available to the citizenry of this country.

First a few biographical notes about myself. My father, Dr. Carl Weichardt, of Frisian background, was among the dozen leading journalists of Germany, during the years 1911 to 1944. From 1912 to 1932 he was chief editorial writer and foreign correspondent for the Frankfurter Zeitung, the leading liberal German newspaper, Jewish owned. From 1934 to 1944 he was editor and in charge of reporting about all major cultural events for the Berliner Morgenpost, the largest German daily then and again today. During that time the Morgenpost was owned by the publishing house, Eher, which also published the Völkische Beobachter, the official government paper during the Hitler years. After the Second World War he became the co-founder of a small south-German newspaper. He died in the year 1955. His brother became an officer in the Imperial Army during the First World War and during the Weimar Republic he was the adjutant to General-Field Marshal and President von Hindenburg in the latter's honor regiment. His oldest son lied about his age to join the army during World War I and became a lieutenant at the age of eighteen. He remained with the Reichswehr during the Weimar years and became a high level officer in the Wehrmacht. He fell during the campaign in Russia. The next son was active as a radical nationalist as early as 1921 and was even jailed for a few months because of it during the Weimar years. Later he became a NS party functionary. The third son became a Reichswehr officer and later a lieutenant colonel in the Wehrmacht. He was seriously wounded in Russia but is still alive and well at the age of ninety-four. The fourth, my youngest cousin, fell as a member of Rommel's Afrika-Korps and is buried at Tobruk. A brother of my grandfather emigrated to South Africa and his son, Louis Weichardt, was the highly respected founder of the National Socialist movement of South Africa in the early thirties. During the war he was incarcerated by the British. At the end of the war he was released and became the senator of the province Natal. He was so highly respected that after his death in 1985, even the Zionist Capetown Times, which had fought him for sixty years, wrote a decent obituary.

My mother, of Jewish extraction, was a professional musician and renowned opera singer. Her father fought in the Prussian army during the Franco-Prussian war of 1871. Her brother-in-law was a professional soldier and captain in the Imperial Austrian army. He fell during the first six days of World War I when Russia invaded Austria and Germany. Her first cousin, also an Austrian officer, received shrapnel in his right lung on the same occasion and spent the following seven years as prisoner of war in Siberia. Another of her cousins fell on the Western Front and still another cousin survived all actions of the war in the Balkans and became, during the early thirties, personal adjutant to prince Starhemberg, the leader of the Austrian Nationalist, but not National Socialist, Heimwehren until the Anschluss.

I was born in 1914 and grew up in Germany, Switzerland and Austria, depending on my father's assignments. From 1929 to the end of 1938 I lived in Berlin where I finished my intermediate schooling and obtained my master's degree in engineering-physics from the Berlin Institute of Technology. I like to emphasize the military participation of the Jewish part of my family because this was by no ways an exception but rather the norm, especially among the more well-to-do Jewish families which strived to be Germans first and in many cases, such as my family's, to forget their Jewishness by letting themselves be baptized. It is generally well known that in no other country in the world was the Jewish community assimilated as well as in Germany. Examples: One of the best known German romanticists, H. Heine, was Jewish (baptized); the greatest Jewish composer, Mendelssohn, was another German romanticist and to this day his music cannot be performed in some synagogues because he too had himself baptized. The best friend of the Kaiser was Albert Ballin, the Jewish founder of the largest German shipping line and the only person who had a private telephone line into the emperor's bedroom. The famous Jewish chemist Haber was director of the Kaiser Wilhelm Institute for Chemistry where he developed the process for the production of ammonia from the nitrogen in the air. For this he received the Nobel Prize for chemistry. Without this process the German armament industry would not have been able to produce sufficient munitions within one year into World War I. As a fact, the condition of the 500,000 Jews among the sixty million Germans was such that at the beginning of the war in 1914 the American-Jewish press stood solidly behind Germany.

What happened then? Why was there virulent "anti-Semitism" in Germany only ten to fifteen years later?

The main reason that Jewry became so respectable and could aspire to be accepted by the highest levels of German society was the rigid structure of the Prussian dominated state. Within this environment there simply was no possible room to develop shady business methods so acceptable to the oriental mind; there were no corruptible officials which could be bought because to become an official did not entail the possibility to enrich yourself at the cost of the public. It was an honor, which had to be earned by hard and successful labor. A teacher, a soldier, a postal employee, a policeman or any other government worker had to be a role model and if he ever betrayed the trust given to him by the public he had to serve, he was finished. Today Prussianism is equated to despotism. Nothing could be further from the truth! The motto of Prussia and later of the German Reich was: Gemeinnutz geht vor Eigennutz. (The well-being of the people is more important than your own.) This might sound somewhat exaggerated for the citizens of a vast and immensely rich domain, but must be the mode of survival in a relatively small, overpopulated country, whose main resource was the diligent labor of its hands and the creativity of its brains. Nothing describes better the difference in the idea of statehood better than the declarations of Frederick the Great of Prussia and Louis XIV of France. "I am the first servant of the state," for the former and "I am the state" for the latter. The Jews of Germany, and especially of Prussia, being, if nothing else, quite smart, simply adapted themselves very successfully to the rules of the game and many of them became even more Prussian than the Prussians. They were greatly assisted therein by Prussia as well as by the rest of the predominantly evangelical north Germany, being by far the religiously most tolerant domain in all of Europe. Any remaining anti-Jewishness, anti-Semitism barely existing, was mainly aimed at some Jewish mannerisms which sometimes grated on the somewhat stiff Prussian form of social etiquette. Today we know, of course, that exactly those mannerisms expose a deep-seated character flaw and, if permitted to become the norm of societal behavior, will lead to the destruction of a whole culture. A Jewish acquaintance of mine during the Hitler years, when asked why the Jewish people everywhere and always are getting into trouble, put it quite succinctly. The answer: Wir sind leider ein zwar kleines aber äußerst mieses Volk. (Unfortunately we are a small but exceedingly obnoxious people).

While the Jewish question seemed solved, or at least dormant, in Germany and most of western Europe, real trouble began across the Atlantic. After the disastrous defeat of the more civilized half of this country by ruthless Yankeeism, the North soon found that the fleeing blacks of the South were essentially useless for cheap labor in a feverishly expanding industry driven by mercantile materialism. The search for easy profit led to the laying of a cuckoo's egg of such size that after it is fully hatched may yet lead to the final destruction of this country. I am referring to the massive introduction of the "huddled masses and refuse" (Emma Lazarus' desecrating inscription at the foot of the Statue of Liberty). Thereafter this country was never the same. These masses were a totally different breed from the docile, now "liberated" slaves of the South. Mostly the large numbers of eastern Jews with their inborn "smartness" quickly worked themselves out of the sweatshops and low-paying industrial jobs and became independent businessmen. Their ruthless and unconscionable business methods, possibly a necessity for survival in Russian and Polish ghettos, were permitted to develop without restrictions in a country where unlimited personal liberty was sanctified. This lack of restrictions on personal behavior culminated in the appearance of such financial "geniuses" (I am quoting the Wall Street Journal) as Milken, Boesky, Steinberg and Levine. In Europe, meanwhile, the political influence of the Jewish banking dynasties became so strong that a Mrs. Rothschild could state, "My sons can decide if there will be war or not." After the death of Queen Victoria, under the rule of the already somewhat degenerate playboy, Edward, this influence would become all-pervasive. The simultaneous growth of German industrial might under the wise political guidance of Bismarck was of course unacceptable to British self-esteem and the thought that the competition on the world markets could be met with a bit more of hard labor and diligence or by reducing the length of the extended weekends to which English upper classes had become accustomed, was simply too horrible to be contemplated. When the Germans committed the unspeakable crime of becoming financially nearly independent from the international banking system and began to build a high-seas fleet to assure access to their modest colonial possessions, this was the last straw and something had to be done to put them down for good. With the help of Russian imperialism and French chauvinism and revanchism (they still had not reconciled themselves with the loss of the war of 1871 which was started by them under typical French delusions of grandeur) it was easy to pursue a policy of encirclement against Germany.

Kaiser Wilhelm was an utterly civilized and peace-loving man. I know this from the British mother of my best friend; she was a close personal friend of Wilhelm who in turn was my friend's godfather. The Kaiser did suffer unfortunately from an inclination to vainglorious gab and this was used quite liberally against him by his enemies. At a much later time the similar afflictions of the warmongering criminals, Churchill and Roosevelt, were generally well accepted! After the Russians arranged the murder of the Archduke Franz Ferdinand through their Serbian dupes, the First World War was on. The American people wanted to stay out of the European mess, but since the country was, at the time, suffering from one of its strangely recurring recessions, the powers that were decided differently. The opportunity of reaping huge profits by supplying one of the fighting sides with liberal credits and massive infusions of war matériel was too tempting and could not be ignored.

Alas, the boys in New York and Washington bet on the wrong horse. The war went badly for them. By the year 1916 Russia was ready to collapse and on the Western Front the combined Anglo-French forces were fought to a standstill. The treacherous Italians (they were bound by a tripartite treaty to Austria and Germany until they found it to their advantage to switch sides) were losing in the south. The multiple declarations of war by many powers as distant as Japan and Brazil did not seem to improve the situation either and there were nasty rumors of a negotiated peace floating in the air. At exactly this point the seeds were laid to the future growth of German "anti-Semitism" (a euphemism for anti-Judaism) because the majority of middle-eastern Semites were still backing Germany at that time. The Jewish bankers in London and New York had Britain over a barrel and found it easy to extract the Balfour Declaration, which promised them a Jewish homeland--but not a sovereign Jewish state--in Palestine, which in 1916 still belonged to Turkey. The British, being famous for their fairness and integrity in all their dealings, made a similar offer to middle-eastern Arabs and even dispatched T. E. Lawrence to found the Arab Legion. At a later time when Lawrence reminded his government of this promise he suddenly and conveniently died in a motorcycle accident.

As an aside, a propensity for accidental death seems to be quite common among people not agreeing with the prevailing Anglo-American policy. You surely remember George Patton, who wanted to warn the American people that the war was not won if the Western Allies did not continue their advances until they reached Warsaw. He also was greatly impressed by the human quality of the personnel in the SS-Führerschulen and had the audacity to state so publicly. After these unpopular utterances the healthy, strapping general suffered minor injuries in a highly suspicious car accident and died shortly from the consequences. Or the court appointed Jewish lawyer, who was to defend Ivan Demjanjuk during the latter's show trial in Jerusalem. It was his misfortune to discover some items which were disputed the claims of the prosecution and promptly and conveniently dropped out of a high-up hotel room window. It was declared a suicide but this was hotly denied by his family. There are many other cases, of course.

Back to 1916. After obtaining the Balfour Declaration the Jewish-American press and their followers made a sudden turnabout and began to pour their well-practiced venom on the still hard-fighting Germans, who were from now on to be known simply as barbarous Huns. This was not only a betrayal of Germany but also of their German co-religionists who were more accepted in Germany than anywhere else in the world and where most of their able-bodied men were still fighting for what they considered their fatherland. It was rather easy to convert the "idealistic" but feebleminded Wilson into a fanatic crusader for "democracy" and America joined the bloodletting with supposedly the best of intentions. As far as the public was concerned it was the job of the Jewish press, as well as others such as the Hearst press to release a never ending stream of anti-German hate propaganda which did a good job and the easily misled masses patriotically marched off to war.

Russia had collapsed, the Jew Kerensky formed the first revolutionary government and decided to continue the war against Germany--a preposterous idea considering the condition of Russia at that time. Germany, eager to end the war in the east, decided to help a new and more radical revolution in Russia. Lenin, leader of the far left Communists, was residing in Zurich. He had promised to end the war with Germany as soon as he was in control of Russia and negotiations began for his secret transport through Germany to St. Petersburg. I am somewhat familiar with these occurrences because my father was at that time the top member of the German press corps in Switzerland and got involved in the above-mentioned negotiations. The Jews outside Germany decided to help Lenin along in his bid for power and sent his comrade Trotsky (Bronstein) and hundreds of Communist Jewish radicals from Brooklyn, armed with untold millions of dollars, to Russia. The rest is well-known history as far as the events in Russia are concerned.

Things began to look up for Germany because the Americans had as yet not arrived in telling numbers at the Western Front and there would be soon some two million battle-hardened German troops released from the east and available in the west for a final push. Paris was in panic and very drastic measures had to be applied to prevent mutiny in the French army.

Here now rises the curtain over the second act of Jewish treachery against Germany--this time unfortunately in Germany proper. This is the story: After the German army had driven the Russians out of Germany and Austrian Galicia it drove them out of Russian Poland and Ukraine. The Jews, in Poland a major part of the population, became fearful of the traditional severe anti-Semitism in those parts, especially since the Germans had the plan to create a new Polish state at the end of the war with Russia. A massive movement of Galician Jews, most of them being Austrian citizens, began their trek westward into Austria, mainly Vienna, whence they could freely enter Germany. A few thousands in the beginning swelled to hundreds of thousands towards and after the end of the war. Among the first arrivals there was a disproportionate amount of Communist agitators which wormed its way into Germany's Socialist movement, which already was dominated by Jewish intellectuals. In Germany, because of the Allied blockade, the suffering of the civilian population had already become severe and demoralizing and exactly after the Russians were forced to sign the peace-treaty of Brest-Litowsk, the unions struck a mortal blow to Germany's war effort by striking the munitions factories. The planned offensive was thereby sufficiently delayed to permit the Americans to arrive with their unlimited supplies and after another year of hopeless resistance and president Wilson's reasonable sounding peace offer, revolution broke out in Germany.

The war was lost and in Versailles Wilson's proposals were wiped off the table and a peace was dictated to the newly formed German democracy, the insanity of which doomed it to an early demise at the day of its birth. The Communists under their Jewish leadership (Liebknecht, Luxemburg, Toller, Eisner, Radek, Kuhn, etc.) started bloody uprisings in Berlin, Munich and Hungary. Hostages, including women, were being taken and murdered, thousands were dying in street fights with police and gendarmes. Toller, leader of the Red Army which formed in Bavaria, recommended that most Germans should be gassed (aha!) and received congratulations and promises of help from Lenin personally. The new Socialist president, Ebert, was finally forced to call on the remnants of the German army, and with the help of the newly formed Freikorps (mostly patriotic former members of the army), the Bolsheviks along with the incursions of Poles across the newly enforced German borders were finally defeated. It should be emphasized at this point that nearly all the leaders of the Communist terrorists were foreign Jews. During the accelerating inflation certain businessmen and well connected financiers, again the majority being Jewish, were able to amass fortunes, which helped the rise of anti-Semitism in the country suffering from defeat and incredible hunger, thanks to the continuing British blockade, which was prolonged for one year after the armistice and caused the deaths of approximately 800,000 Germans, mostly women and infants.

When the populace observed newly-rich Jewesses in their fancy fur coats, bedecked with jewelry, entering expensive nightclubs with their escorts while veterans with missing arms or legs are sitting on the sidewalks, shivering in their worn uniforms and trying to sell some pencils or whatnot to earn a few pennies for their modest needs, it did not go over too well with them, even if the majority of the professional Jews, professors, engineers, doctors, government employees, etc., shared the misery with the rest of the people. My mother's father, a retired small businessman, made the mistake to invest his savings in English industrial stocks long before the war and lost every penny of it when, after the war, the English, like all the other "victors," stole every bit of private German property they could lay their hands on. The Americans got away with "taking-over" all German patents and sold them to the public at a dollar apiece. An acquaintance of mine, Dr. Becker, a German immigrant chemist, bought a sufficiently large amount of them to found Allied Chemical Corp. on the basis of their content. The last time I visited him, in 1941, he was still president of Allied and resided in an incredibly beautiful, Roman style villa in Bolton-Landing on the shore of Lake George in upstate New York. A further boost to the rising anti-Semitism was given by a rash of large scale financial scandals caused by recent Jewish arrivals. Names like Barmat, Sklarek, Kutisker, Levy, Lewin were as well recognized by the public of those days as Boesky and Milken are today.
Most of them wound up in jail and did not become lecturers on financial operations after short stints of incarceration as seems fashionable in our day. But massive damage had been done, not only to the tottering finances of the Reich but also to the standing of the Jewish community in Germany.

The first victim of the rising tide of anti-Jewish sentiment was the foreign minister of Germany, Walther Rathenau. He was machine-gunned by two former army officers on the way to his office on June 24, 1922. They considered him to be the leading representative of a policy which played into the hands of Germany's enemies by acquiescing in the ridiculous and deadly demands of the Versailles Dictate. In fact there was at that time very little else he could have done. His father was an outstanding engineer and industrialist who founded the German Edison Society which later became German General Electric. The son, Walther, became a top industrialist who founded several corporations in Germany and Switzerland and eventually took over the presidency of General Electric after his father's death. During the war he distinguished himself by organizing the supply of raw materials for the war effort, while being in charge of the corresponding department of the German ministry of war. After the revolution he entered government service and became Germany's foreign minister. His murder was not only a senseless crime but also caused a serious setback to the nationalistic cause, because of the general revulsion against this deed among even the most nationalistic circles.

The invasion of the industrial Ruhr Valley by 80,000 to 100,000 French troops, in January 1923, because of lagging tribute deliveries, as well as the total collapse of the German mark (in November 1923 it took 4.2 trillion--not billion!--marks to buy one dollar) revitalized the nationalistic movement, which culminated in Hitler's reach for power on November 9th, 1923. In the meantime, however, the bankers in New York and London had reluctantly come to the conclusion that it would be far easier to milk a live cow than a dead one. The Americans, who knew that it was hopeless to get repaid by their European allies for the enormous credits they had granted the latter to keep them in the war until they could be salvaged by the arrival of American troops, began to grant large credits to Germany under still onerous and normally unacceptable conditions. With these credits Germany was able to stabilize the mark at its pre-war value of 4.20 marks to the dollar.

The Hitler putsch was betrayed and defeated and Hitler was sentenced to five years imprisonment, but was released after less than one year. During his captivity he wrote, with the assistance of Rudolf Hess, Mein Kampf which, with the exception of the Bible, had the largest edition of any book previously printed. Unfortunately, as with the Bible, too few of its purchasers read it, but considering the present disastrous worldwide conditions this might yet be remedied in the not too distant future. Hitler had decided to attempt his quest for power by totally legal means, a decision from which he never wavered and which in the end lead him to success, all negative propaganda to the contrary. Starting with the year 1924 a slow but steady recovery began. During 1926 the last French troops left the Ruhr Valley region, but occupation of the Rhineland lasted until June 1930.

During the Weimar years many outstanding performers in concerts and theater as well as scientists were Jewish, but they never dominated and were more than balanced by Germans of equal or superior stature. In literature, however, in the arts as well as in the left-leaning part of the press their influence became all encompassing and pernicious. With it, the deterioration of civility, speech and social behavior became endemic. Nothing, of course, compared with what we are witnessing today, but one must remember that seventy years ago the standards of propriety were vastly different when compared with the present. The constant assault on the sensibilities and moral values which were held dear by the majority of patriotic Germans created a backlash within the parties from the center to the radical right. "Anti-Semitism" was again on the rise.

After the 1929 crash of the New York stock exchange most of the credits to Germany were called in and a world-wide depression began. Millions of Germans lost their jobs, the payments to the enemy countries had to continue and the political situation became progressively chaotic. By the end of 1932 Germany counted over six and a half million unemployed, about one third of the total workforce! The Communist Party, over three million strong including an armed organization, thought its day had come and began frequent attacks on rightist groups which developed into regular street battles. Together with the Social Democrats, who also commanded a large quasi-military organization, they had still 37.8% of the voters behind them, but the National Socialists, with 33.6%, had become by far the largest party of the Reich.

On January 31, 1933, with a Bolshevik uprising only weeks, perhaps days, away, Hitler, as leader of the largest party, was constitutionally named Reichs Chancellor. The most remarkable part about the following national "revolution" is the fact that it was totally orderly and bloodless. A few especially obnoxious leaders of the extreme left were locked up and perhaps got a well earned beating from overly enthusiastic storm troopers, who remembered their murdered comrades. If I am wrong about this, please name me one prominent victim of this "terror." When on February 27, 1933 a Communist succeeded in setting fire to the Reichstag building in Berlin, the Communist Party was outlawed and the top leaders were arrested. Any claim that the National Socialists set the fire is typical lying propaganda. Today this is even admitted in Jewish-ruled Germany! During the following fall a trial was held in Germany's highest court against the admitted arsonist and the Communist hierarchy. One Bulgarian Communist, Dimitroff, of postwar fame, had a field day in court by insulting Hermann Göring, but in the end all of them were acquitted except the arsonist. The highest court in National Socialist Germany could not produce sufficient evidence to tie the Communist élite to the crime which was certainly committed in their name. Compare this with the Jewish-run show trials in Moscow, the lynchfest in Nuremberg and the Jerusalem lynching of Eichmann (who did not heed the warnings about his impending abduction, because "the Jews will not do anything against me, after what I have done for them during the war"). The above story about the acquitted Communists has an ironic ending: They all took off for Moscow, being afraid that some of the stalwart storm troopers might not be too happy with the result of the trial and take matters into their own hands to amend the judgment in a way more suitable to their ideas. In Moscow they found several things not quite to their taste and, in typical German fashion, they did not keep their mouths shut and voiced some criticisms. In typical Russian fashion they were put into the slammer. After the end of the Polish war, when the Russian and German armies met, still cordially, they were unceremoniously handed over to the Gestapo. What happened thereafter, I do not know.

What was the situation of the German Jews at that point? The first blow came from abroad. World Jewry declared war on Germany. This was no idle threat. It is true that the Jews at that time did not control the most powerful army in the world as in our day when they exert nearly total domination over the deployment of forces of the United States. But neither did the Germans possess an army which could become a threat to anybody somewhat larger than Grenada or maybe Panama. Germany faced the most disastrous economical condition in its history and was completely dependent on foreign trade in order just to feed the population. Any successful boycott of its foreign trade would greatly exacerbate this already dangerous situation and could even lead to widespread starvation. At first the German reaction to riotous, Jewish-led, anti-German demonstrations abroad was a government-decreed one day (!) boycott of Jewish stores which had been marked overnight with stars of David. Never at any time, neither then nor today, did National Socialists mark Jewish properties of any kind with swastikas, because this would be considered a desecration of their revered symbol. The most astonishing result of this boycott was the revelation of the unbelievably large number of big and small businesses in Jewish hands. Had the German-Jewish community voiced a unanimous and vociferous protest against the action of their co-religionists throughout the world, they would have avoided, in my opinion, some of the harsher measures soon to come. It must, however, be understood and firmly remembered, that Jews with regard to one characteristic are and act vastly superior when compared with most other white populations. It is their unflinching racial cohesion, which makes them Jews first and anything else second. This leads them to actions which might be at first thought detrimental to their interests, but which have resulted over more than two thousand years in their survival in a largely hostile world.

The next anti-Jewish measure was the Arierparagraph, which eliminated non-Aryans from all government positions. Everybody with one quarter or more Jewish background was considered non-Aryan. Exempt from this law were all Jews who had fought for Germany in the World War or had lost sons during that war or who already held government positions before that war. Certain exemptions for meritorious individuals could be granted. All non-Aryans in government positions had to be retired (not fired!) with their pensions forthcoming. Businesses, large or small, were not affected; doctors could continue their practices but were not compensated for treating patients insured under the government-run health plan. Many, many--including high party officials--stayed with their Jewish family doctors who had treated them for a long time. The number of university students of three-quarters or all-Jewish ancestry were limited to the percentage of their numbers in the populace. Still pretty good, when compared with the experience of deserving whites under our Jewish-imposed affirmative action. Students with one-half or less Jewish ancestry were under no restrictions at all, and even had, at a later date, to join the nationalist student organization. They were not permitted to join the SA or SS. Joining a national organization became, in effect, obligatory for all Aryan students.

The immediate effect on the private lives of most Jews was in the beginning only minimal. Some personal experiences will show this. Since my early teens I had been an avid gun lover. In Austria, where we lived at the time, there were in effect no restrictions on the possession of handguns or rifles. If there were, they certainly were not enforced. At the age of fifteen I could walk into one of the finest gun shops in Vienna and purchase any weapon in the store, as long as I had the necessary money. Unfortunately I didn't, but after some time I had scraped together a sufficient amount to start my modest collection by acquiring three low-priced handguns. Shortly thereafter, in 1929, we moved to Berlin. In Germany, under the Weimar Republic, one had to register each gun with the police. There were no restrictions on the possession except if you wanted to carry them. In this case you had to have a hunting license which required a lengthy course in gun handling, marksmanship, game laws and handling of bagged game. The police had absolutely no say or power to refuse you the ownership of your guns when you came to register. It was a purely bureaucratic measure which enabled the police to trace a gun involved in a criminal action.

My guns were registered in the name of my (Jewish) mother, who had contributed the money for their original purchase, because I was only fifteen years old and could not own firearms until I reached maturity (21 yrs). After Hitler came to power, nothing was changed in the existing gun regulations; nobody had to turn in the registered guns--period. My mother still had them on the day of her immigration to the US (May 1941) and gave them to a friend of mine because importation of firearms was prohibited under US law.

The laxness with which the existing firearm laws were enforced was clearly demonstrated in the days after the Reichstag fire, when most people feared an imminent Communist uprising. Suddenly untold numbers of veterans or members of patriotic organizations were seen walking around, proudly displaying their wartime military Mausers or Parabellums strapped to their sometimes paunchy bellies. After a while, after the Communist threat had been eliminated, they were politely reminded that carrying of firearms in public was against the law and the guns were put back into drawers at home. The sale of ammunition was never restricted.

Suddenly a longtime dream of mine seemed to come true: the ownership of a genuine Parabellum in good condition. One of my friends had heard of a deal where members of the many existing nationalistic party organizations could purchase retired army pistols in lots of one hundred at a price of fifteen marks per gun. The price of a new Parabellum was one hundred and fifty marks in those days, which was about the monthly income of a lowly worker, if he had a job. My search for prospective customers was frantic. By charging an extra mark for my services I had to sell only fifteen guns to earn sufficient money for the purchase of a gun for myself! Alas, the dream was of short duration. Some envious or overzealous citizen felt obliged to inform the authorities of my dreamy deal. It was followed by the famous knock on the door, and on opening I faced three agents of the secret police (Gestapo). No hands in the pockets groping for hidden arms, no shouted orders or threats, only showing of identifications and the polite question if I had any firearms at home and if they could see them. I asked them in, got my guns and asked my mother to show the registration receipts. The disappointment of the rather mild-mannered gentlemen at the measly display was obvious and they asked about the whereabouts of one hundred Parabellums which I was suspected to harbor. My heart sank and I told them about my, now surely aborted, hoped-for big deal, which as yet had not been consummated. They looked greatly relieved and the man in charge said that a perfunctory search of our premises was in order. No drawers were ripped out and emptied, nothing was displaced or damaged--only a short look under beds into armoires and storage cabinets. When they were ready to leave the man in charge spotted a letter on the table with a Jewish-sounding name of the sender and being obviously informed about my mother's racial background he very kindly admonished her that because of the new conditions prevalent to be especially careful and not to break any of the existing laws. With that they apologized for the inconvenience they had caused and left. My loaded guns remained on the table.

In order fully to appreciate this story you must remember that the Parabellum was at the time still the most powerful and sophisticated military handgun on the European market. Today's equivalent would be a fully automatic MP5 or Ingram. Just imagine somebody informing our democratic government that I was stocking one hundred of those, possibly intending to sell them to some shady characters harboring racist or otherwise non-PC views. Can't you just hear Janet Reno screaming and ordering her trigger-happy minions into action. The roar of armored trucks loaded with SWAT teams in full battle dress would be deafening and reinforced by the clatter of helicopter-gunships hovering overhead, in case any difficulties should develop. The headlines would shout: Gun Crazy Rightist Has Arsenal Endangering His Neighborhood! Governor Might Call In National Guard! Remember the recent actions of our government in the case of a man who sold a shotgun, allegedly one quarter inch shorter than the law permits, to an undercover agent, which resulted in the deaths of a mother holding a baby in her arms, one un-armed child, the family dog and a marshal. Or the one involving a religious nut who could have been arrested any day by a single cop while the former attended to his shopping in the local supermarket. Result: about eighty people, mostly women and children, incinerated alive. I think my imagined scenario above is an understatement.

My next run-in with the authorities of the Third Reich happened about three years later and was a bit more ominous. I had just received the notification that my application for voluntary service in the newly-recruited army had been definitely denied and I was understandably very bitter because service in the armed forces was considered an honor and privilege, not an onerous duty. Instead of swallowing my badly injured pride I complained to everybody who would listen to me, ending my complaints with the caustic question: Why me, when even the top general of the Luftwaffe, Erhard Milch, had a Jewish father? Well it didn't take very long for the knock at the door. This time I faced three members of the Algemeine-SS. The situation was made more serious by my little Dachshund. She had a dislike for tall men in black uniform and immediately attacked the intruders, loudly barking and snapping. The SS retreated a few steps until I had taken control of the objecting animal. Precautionary shooting of pet animals was definitely not PC in Hitler's Germany. Besides, no member of a uniformed organization, except army and police, was ever permitted to carry firearms publicly in order to emphasize their non-military character. After the three men had entered our apartment, I was severely admonished for spreading insulting rumors about high-level army officers. All I could say was that I was absolutely sure that the father of General Erhard Milch was buried in the Jewish cemetery in Dessau, home of the famous Junkers aircraft works. I will never forget the stunned expressions on the faces of the three as they left, this time without apologies, in a huff. I did not hear from them again. Of course I knew that the statement to which they objected was true.

Read the rest here:


Last edited by synergetic67; 19-01-2013 at 01:16 PM.
synergetic67 is offline   Reply With Quote


Thread Tools

Posting Rules
You may not post new threads
You may not post replies
You may not post attachments
You may not edit your posts

BB code is On
Smilies are On
[IMG] code is On
HTML code is On

Forum Jump

All times are GMT. The time now is 09:59 PM.

Shoutbox provided by vBShout (Lite) - vBulletin Mods & Addons Copyright © 2019 DragonByte Technologies Ltd.